Hi Hari,

> On Nov 29, 2025, at 05:49, hari kumar via groups.io 
> <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
> 

...
> I can certainly fully understand a level of disillusionment - which in many 
> people's case as yours - is profound. 
>  
> My problem with such disillusion is twofold.
> First that in most cases this rests on (i) a false history of what happened 

True history comes from evidence that support a theory of the history. I have 
read relatively recent works that mined data such as Cheka records and official 
documents beyond the often-contradictory speeches and resolutions. Much new 
data were made available in recent decades. I think we can still learn from the 
history of the Russian Revolution and its aftermath. And our explanations for 
it may evolve as well. 

> (ii) direct personal experience of warped individuals. 

I was comparing State and Revolution with the subsequent use of the state to 
effect the revolution. 

> (i) - becomes a potentially resolvable issue on the basis of facts - 
> 'potentially' because 'facts' maybe apparently in conflict and have to be 
> fought out. 

To be useful, I think that facts need a context, an interpretation of what they 
mean and, for our purposes, identification of the historical forces that may 
have produced the observed phenomena.

> (ii) - this is the 'human condition'. I had enough of it in my work (dayjob) 
> experience with ambition, pride, viciousness . . . it goes on . .  Balzac had 
> something to say on this. 

Is there a singlular 'human condition'?

>  
> My second problem, is that the onus is on those whe discard the Leninist 
> model (completely - not arguing to alter it in a way) - do not actually 
> propose anything concrete. 
> Or do they?

When people organize themselves, then more often than not, we replicate the 
organizational structures we know best. I was in one group where the elected 
leadership acted like the faculty of a school where the members were like the 
students: They never brought problems for the membership to discuss but 
solutions to be voted on and/or implemented. Another local organization elects 
a leadership yearly that is a tiny fraction of the membership. Like many 
groups, the organization's governance structure apes public representational 
governance or executive governance with leaders assigned to functions; those 
not elected were not leaders, or at least not leaders equal in stature and 
authority to those with portfolio; this is not what we want in an organization 
that aspires to lead masses of people in dozens or hundreds of organizations. 

In many, if not most, left groups, the members don't run things but instead get 
to elect the people who do. At least many of those leaders will get replaced, 
often yearly, whereas self-avowed Leninist organizations tend to have perennial 
leaders who never rotate out, and the organization never develops new leaders 
at the highest levels. And maybe the problem is the very fact that there are 
"highest levels" in the leadership of socialist groups. 

Whether it be a school or corporation or political organization, the social 
structures that we reproduce in our fight against capitalism tend to replicate 
capitalism's oppressive structures with hierarchies and hatreds. I think there 
are ways to overcome some of these problems once they are recognized as 
problems, but that's a longer conversation.

thanks, Mark



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