http://www.defenseone.com/threats/2016/01/why-isis-cannot-be-negotiated/125020/
?


Why ISIS Cannot Be Negotiated With

January 11, 2016 By H. A. Hellyer
<http://www.defenseone.com/voices/h-hellyer/11814/>

Jonathan Powell argues that talking to terrorists has brought peace in the
past. But the Islamic State really is different.

*In his recent Atlantic *piece
<http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/12/negotiate-with-isis/419157/>
on
“What to Do About ISIS
<http://www.theatlantic.com/special-report/what-to-do-about-isis/>,”
Jonathan Powell, a former senior British diplomat, posits that eventually,
the West would have to negotiate with the so-called Islamic State. It’s a
comforting thought, in a way—the suggestion presupposes that ISIS, just
like many other armed organizations throughout history, is the kind of
group that can eventually be reasoned with, however distasteful its enemies
may find the prospect. Noting numerous examples in which governments have
talked their way to peace with terrorist organizations, Powell
acknowledges, “of course people argue that ISIS is completely different
from anything we have seen before. But people have said that about each new
armed group since the rise of the IRA in 1919.”

If Powell’s historical analogies worked, the struggle against ISIS would be
a lot simpler. Unfortunately, the analysis underappreciates how direly
different ISIS actually is. The armed groups that Powell describes as
having accepted negotiated settlements were fundamentally nationalist
organizations—even where the group or “nation” on whose behalf they fought
was sometimes defined partly in terms of religious identity—with
fundamentally political and pragmatic aims. ISIS is instead a radical
supra-nationalist group based on a deeply perverted interpretation of Sunni
Islam, and it has hugely maximalist goals.

Powell’s key example is the Irish Republican Army, which was a Catholic
organization insofar as it used Catholic identity for political ends,
cultivating a sense of Irish Catholic nationalism to fight for the ejection
of the British from Northern Ireland and for political union with their
Catholic brethren to the south. But the IRA was not trying to conquer the
whole of the British Isles for Catholicism, nor to hasten the return of the
Christian messiah and the end of the world. Powell, who was the chief
British negotiator in Northern Ireland when the Good Friday Accords helped
bring an end to decades of violence in the country, notes that “when we sat
down with the Republicans … we found that there were a series of legitimate
subjects they wanted to discuss—from power-sharing between Catholics and
Protestants to the protection of human rights.”

ISIS, by contrast, is not fundamentally nationalist in this way, as Powell
implies in his emphasis on the group’s appeals to Sunni identity, whether
in Syria or Iraq. Rather, even while individual paths to joining ISIS may
vary tremendously, and no doubt do in some cases rest on nationalist Sunni
grievances, the leadership of the group has been quite clear about its
genuinely held aims, which include the complete domination of Syria, Iraq,
and locations far beyond.

It’s not the presence of religious identity as such that makes ISIS
different. As Powell points out, there have been a number of militant
groups in history that have used religion for political goals and were
still susceptible to negotiated peace. The Irish Republican Army was one
such example, as were various Muslim groups, including the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front in the Philippines, which Powell points to as proving that
governments have “made peace with Islamic [sic] guerrillas before … so it
is not impossible to do.” Religion, or even strong ideology, as in the case
of the FMLN in El Salvador, does not make negotiation impossible. Indeed,
many, if not most, of the rebel groups currently fighting Bashar al-Assad’s
repugnant and brutal regime in Syria are motivated by religious precepts,
and instrumentalize religion for political ends. Those groups can and
should be negotiated with, and in some cases empowered against Assad and
ISIS, even while their interlocutors must continuously interrogate any
faults, flaws, or failings they may have.

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But these other groups, from Ireland to the Philippines to Syria, fought or
are fighting for limited political goals, within a defined geographic
space—whether those goals were Catholic rights in Northern Ireland, Moro
autonomy in the Philippines, or the reformation or end of the Assad regime
in Syria. ISIS, however, is not primarily a Sunni Arab uprising aimed at
protecting the civil or political rights of Sunni Muslims in Syria or Iraq.
ISIS is an outgrowth of a broader uprising. But it is more than that.

This is evident, for example, in the context of the Syrian Civil War, where
ISIS is one of the major combatants, but is correctly not invited to
international
negotiations
<http://www.politico.com/story/2016/01/iran-saudi-arabia-us-syria-217318> aimed
at resolving the conflict. On that battlefield, and in contrast to other
groups there, ISIS is not just an insurgency working for a specifically
Syrian political cause. Its has regional and global ambitions that go far
beyond defeating Assad’s army. And unlike the Kurds, whose own regional
ambitions extend only to the lands Kurds have historically occupied, ISIS
specifically rejects territorial limits to its power: Its very slogan
<http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/is-isis-still-remaining-and-expanding>
is
“remaining and expanding.”

The IRA was not trying to conquer the whole of the British Isles for
Catholicism, nor to hasten the return of the Christian messiah and the end
of the world.

An insurgency can end through negotiation and the satisfaction of certain,
often predictable, political aims, such as the withdrawal of foreign
military forces, or the granting of autonomy. But ISIS does not demand the
withdrawal of foreign military forces—quite the contrary, it has expressed
the wish to draw foreign armies into its territory
<http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2015/03/what-isis-really-wants/384980/>,
and to export its military force beyond Syria and Iraq. It does not call
for the simple granting of autonomy to its members and supporters in Syria
and Iraq—it works to end the autonomy of others in both places, and far
beyond, not least through ethnic cleansing and the worldwide export of
wanton violence. If ISIS were willing to be satisfied by, say, a joint
Sunni Arab zone in Syria and Iraq, governed under a perverted form of
Islamic law, then one could talk about the possibility, if not the
laudability, of negotiation. But the point of ISIS is precisely that it
cannot be satisfied without forcibly changing the very contours of the
current international order.

Powell suggests that “even if some of the hardline leaders of ISIS … want
nothing less than their full demands (including ushering in the
apocalypse), other more moderate leaders will, under military pressure, be
prepared to settle for more modest gains.” Negotiations should, in his
view, “strengthen those moderates’ positions in ISIS’s internal
discussions.” Indeed, it is possible to “peel away” ISIS members, as
evidenced by the number of occasions on which ISIS recruits have defected
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-28269596> after realizing that
the group isn’t all it is cracked up to be. But those “moderate” former
members are essentially irrelevant to the group (unless of course they’re
targeted for execution); they are not about to influence discussions within
ISIS, much less take it over. These defections have in no way pushed the
group toward being more palatable to international norms—in fact ISIS’s
continued ability to recruit depends in part on the leadership’s very
refusal to accept “nothing less than their full demands.” If ISIS remains
true to its principles, that’s also the reason the world can accept nothing
less than the group’s full defeat.








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