Problem solved!


On Tue, Jan 12, 2016 at 7:19 PM, Brian Bednarek <[email protected]> wrote:

> Really, use nukes and turn the sand to glass!!!
>
> On Tue, Jan 12, 2016 at 6:18 PM, Keith In Tampa <[email protected]>
> wrote:
>
>> If that's the case,  (which I don't believe.....*See *the whole concept
>> of "Hijra" then I see no other option other than nuclear......Let's do it
>> and get it over with.
>>
>>
>>
>> On Tue, Jan 12, 2016 at 4:09 PM, plainolamerican <
>> [email protected]> wrote:
>>
>>> Why ISIS Cannot Be Negotiated With
>>> ---
>>> because the damage that warmongering US neocons and zionists have done
>>> to the region are too severe for them to forgive. They would rather see
>>> their heads roll than to negotiate.
>>>
>>>
>>> On Tuesday, January 12, 2016 at 2:05:53 PM UTC-6, Travis wrote:
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> http://www.defenseone.com/threats/2016/01/why-isis-cannot-be-negotiated/125020/
>>>> ?
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Why ISIS Cannot Be Negotiated With
>>>>
>>>> January 11, 2016 By H. A. Hellyer
>>>> <http://www.defenseone.com/voices/h-hellyer/11814/>
>>>>
>>>> Jonathan Powell argues that talking to terrorists has brought peace in
>>>> the past. But the Islamic State really is different.
>>>>
>>>> *In his recent Atlantic *piece
>>>> <http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/12/negotiate-with-isis/419157/>
>>>>  on
>>>> “What to Do About ISIS
>>>> <http://www.theatlantic.com/special-report/what-to-do-about-isis/>,”
>>>> Jonathan Powell, a former senior British diplomat, posits that eventually,
>>>> the West would have to negotiate with the so-called Islamic State. It’s a
>>>> comforting thought, in a way—the suggestion presupposes that ISIS,
>>>> just like many other armed organizations throughout history, is the kind of
>>>> group that can eventually be reasoned with, however distasteful its enemies
>>>> may find the prospect. Noting numerous examples in which governments have
>>>> talked their way to peace with terrorist organizations, Powell
>>>> acknowledges, “of course people argue that ISIS is completely
>>>> different from anything we have seen before. But people have said that
>>>> about each new armed group since the rise of the IRA in 1919.”
>>>>
>>>> If Powell’s historical analogies worked, the struggle against ISIS
>>>> would be a lot simpler. Unfortunately, the analysis underappreciates how
>>>> direly different ISIS actually is. The armed groups that Powell
>>>> describes as having accepted negotiated settlements were fundamentally
>>>> nationalist organizations—even where the group or “nation” on whose behalf
>>>> they fought was sometimes defined partly in terms of religious
>>>> identity—with fundamentally political and pragmatic aims. ISIS is
>>>> instead a radical supra-nationalist group based on a deeply perverted
>>>> interpretation of Sunni Islam, and it has hugely maximalist goals.
>>>>
>>>> Powell’s key example is the Irish Republican Army, which was a Catholic
>>>> organization insofar as it used Catholic identity for political ends,
>>>> cultivating a sense of Irish Catholic nationalism to fight for the ejection
>>>> of the British from Northern Ireland and for political union with their
>>>> Catholic brethren to the south. But the IRA was not trying to conquer
>>>> the whole of the British Isles for Catholicism, nor to hasten the return of
>>>> the Christian messiah and the end of the world. Powell, who was the chief
>>>> British negotiator in Northern Ireland when the Good Friday Accords helped
>>>> bring an end to decades of violence in the country, notes that “when we sat
>>>> down with the Republicans … we found that there were a series of legitimate
>>>> subjects they wanted to discuss—from power-sharing between Catholics and
>>>> Protestants to the protection of human rights.”
>>>>
>>>> ISIS, by contrast, is not fundamentally nationalist in this way, as
>>>> Powell implies in his emphasis on the group’s appeals to Sunni identity,
>>>> whether in Syria or Iraq. Rather, even while individual paths to joining
>>>> ISIS may vary tremendously, and no doubt do in some cases rest on
>>>> nationalist Sunni grievances, the leadership of the group has been quite
>>>> clear about its genuinely held aims, which include the complete domination
>>>> of Syria, Iraq, and locations far beyond.
>>>>
>>>> It’s not the presence of religious identity as such that makes ISIS
>>>> different. As Powell points out, there have been a number of militant
>>>> groups in history that have used religion for political goals and were
>>>> still susceptible to negotiated peace. The Irish Republican Army was one
>>>> such example, as were various Muslim groups, including the Moro Islamic
>>>> Liberation Front in the Philippines, which Powell points to as proving that
>>>> governments have “made peace with Islamic [sic] guerrillas before … so it
>>>> is not impossible to do.” Religion, or even strong ideology, as in the case
>>>> of the FMLN in El Salvador, does not make negotiation impossible.
>>>> Indeed, many, if not most, of the rebel groups currently fighting Bashar
>>>> al-Assad’s repugnant and brutal regime in Syria are motivated by religious
>>>> precepts, and instrumentalize religion for political ends. Those groups can
>>>> and should be negotiated with, and in some cases empowered against Assad
>>>> and ISIS, even while their interlocutors must continuously interrogate
>>>> any faults, flaws, or failings they may have.
>>>>
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>>>>
>>>> But these other groups, from Ireland to the Philippines to Syria,
>>>> fought or are fighting for limited political goals, within a defined
>>>> geographic space—whether those goals were Catholic rights in Northern
>>>> Ireland, Moro autonomy in the Philippines, or the reformation or end of the
>>>> Assad regime in Syria. ISIS, however, is not primarily a Sunni Arab
>>>> uprising aimed at protecting the civil or political rights of Sunni Muslims
>>>> in Syria or Iraq. ISIS is an outgrowth of a broader uprising. But it
>>>> is more than that.
>>>>
>>>> This is evident, for example, in the context of the Syrian Civil War,
>>>> where ISIS is one of the major combatants, but is correctly not
>>>> invited to international negotiations
>>>> <http://www.politico.com/story/2016/01/iran-saudi-arabia-us-syria-217318> 
>>>> aimed
>>>> at resolving the conflict. On that battlefield, and in contrast to other
>>>> groups there, ISIS is not just an insurgency working for a
>>>> specifically Syrian political cause. Its has regional and global ambitions
>>>> that go far beyond defeating Assad’s army. And unlike the Kurds, whose own
>>>> regional ambitions extend only to the lands Kurds have historically
>>>> occupied, ISIS specifically rejects territorial limits to its power:
>>>> Its very slogan
>>>> <http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/is-isis-still-remaining-and-expanding>
>>>>  is
>>>> “remaining and expanding.”
>>>>
>>>> The IRA was not trying to conquer the whole of the British Isles for
>>>> Catholicism, nor to hasten the return of the Christian messiah and the end
>>>> of the world.
>>>>
>>>> An insurgency can end through negotiation and the satisfaction of
>>>> certain, often predictable, political aims, such as the withdrawal of
>>>> foreign military forces, or the granting of autonomy. But ISIS does
>>>> not demand the withdrawal of foreign military forces—quite the contrary, it
>>>> has expressed the wish to draw foreign armies into its territory
>>>> <http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2015/03/what-isis-really-wants/384980/>,
>>>> and to export its military force beyond Syria and Iraq. It does not call
>>>> for the simple granting of autonomy to its members and supporters in Syria
>>>> and Iraq—it works to end the autonomy of others in both places, and far
>>>> beyond, not least through ethnic cleansing and the worldwide export of
>>>> wanton violence. If ISIS were willing to be satisfied by, say, a joint
>>>> Sunni Arab zone in Syria and Iraq, governed under a perverted form of
>>>> Islamic law, then one could talk about the possibility, if not the
>>>> laudability, of negotiation. But the point of ISIS is precisely that
>>>> it cannot be satisfied without forcibly changing the very contours of the
>>>> current international order.
>>>>
>>>> Powell suggests that “even if some of the hardline leaders of ISIS …
>>>> want nothing less than their full demands (including ushering in the
>>>> apocalypse), other more moderate leaders will, under military pressure, be
>>>> prepared to settle for more modest gains.” Negotiations should, in his
>>>> view, “strengthen those moderates’ positions in ISIS’s internal
>>>> discussions.” Indeed, it is possible to “peel away” ISIS members, as
>>>> evidenced by the number of occasions on which ISIS recruits have
>>>> defected <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-28269596> after
>>>> realizing that the group isn’t all it is cracked up to be. But those
>>>> “moderate” former members are essentially irrelevant to the group (unless
>>>> of course they’re targeted for execution); they are not about to influence
>>>> discussions within ISIS, much less take it over. These defections have
>>>> in no way pushed the group toward being more palatable to international
>>>> norms—in fact ISIS’s continued ability to recruit depends in part on
>>>> the leadership’s very refusal to accept “nothing less than their full
>>>> demands.” If ISIS remains true to its principles, that’s also the
>>>> reason the world can accept nothing less than the group’s full defeat.
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> __._,_.___
>>>> ------------------------------
>>>> Posted by: "Beowulf" <[email protected]>
>>>> ------------------------------
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Visit Your Group
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>>>>
>>>>    - New Members
>>>>    
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>>>>    1
>>>>
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>
>
>
> --
> brine
> http://brineb.blogspot.com/
>
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