P.S.  None of this is germane to my principal point, which was simply that
it is a mistake to say that "If these plaintiffs will not pay for what they
believe to be such an extraordinary wrong, then in the government's view, *they
are barred from owning any business with more than fifty employees*."

One can certainly argue that federal law imposes substantial pressure *not
to drop one's employee plan*, and to instead include contraception coverage
(I disagree, but I understand the argument).  But *that *is the consequence
at issue -- *not* being "barred from owning any business with more than
fifty employees."


On Thu, Feb 20, 2014 at 11:56 AM, Marty Lederman
<lederman.ma...@gmail.com>wrote:

> Quick responses to these two points:
>
> 1.  When I referred to differences between RLPA and RFRA, I was alluding
> to the amendment to RLPA at that time providing that "This Act should be
> construed in favor of a broad protection of religious exercise, *to the
> maximum extent permitted* *by its terms* and the Constitution."  IIRC,
> that amendment caused much consternation about how RLPA, much more than
> RFRA and the FEC, would lead to civil rights exemptions.
>
> 2.  Many thousands of employers will in fact drop (or decline to offer in
> the first instance) an employee health plan--so it's not remotely
> unthinkable; it's expected to occur quite frequently (although predictions
> vary on the percentages).  More to the point, *I *don't have to persuade
> you, nor does the government, that it is a "viable" option.  The burden is *on
> the plaintiffs *to demonstrate that federal law imposes substantial
> pressure on them *not* to drop their plans -- and they haven't introduced
> or alleged any evidence at all to that effect, let alone alleged facts that
> would survive *Iqbal/Trombley*.
>
> Moreover, even if the plaintiffs had alleged facts to demonstrate that
> *some* employees would be upset if the plan were dropped, so what?  There
> still wouldn't be proof (i) that federal law (as opposed to the
> Obama-hatred you invoke) would be the cause of that hatred; (ii) that a
> greater number of employees in the case of these employers wouldn't be
> *happier* with a combination of subsidized, full plans on the exchange
> and increased salaries; or (iii) most importantly, that any resulting
> employee resentment would impose *substantial pressure *on the companies
> to keep their plans, even if it meant including contraception coverage.
>
>
> On Thu, Feb 20, 2014 at 10:07 AM, Douglas Laycock 
> <dlayc...@virginia.edu>wrote:
>
>> Marty raises multiple issues here.
>>
>>
>>
>> *First*: The operative language of RLPA was identical to RFRA. They
>> inserted restrictions that limited the application of that language to
>> cases that affected commerce, arose in programs receiving federal financial
>> assistance, or involved individualized assessments of regulated activity.
>> They moved a modifying clause from the end of what it modified to the
>> beginning of what it modified. But on the section setting out exercise of
>> religion, substantial burden, compelling interest, and least restrictive
>> means, they changed nothing that could remotely have affected substance.
>>
>>
>>
>> *Second*: Employers could just drop health insurance, but I'm not sure
>> anyone but Marty is persuaded that that's a viable option. Certainly there
>> is no evidence in the record of either case showing that either employer
>> could drop health insurance, pay the fines, give the employees a big enough
>> raise that they could all bluy individual coverage on the exchanges, and
>> everyone breaks even or comes out ahead.
>>
>>
>>
>> Nor is there any reason to think that an employer could do this without
>> generating massive employee ill will and seriously damaging its competitive
>> position in the market place. For starters, all the people who hate Barack
>> Obama and anything he has ever touched or endorsed, and many of those who
>> oppose the Affordable Care Act on more rational grounds, would be furious
>> at being "dumped" into the exchanges. A very large minority of the
>> company's employees would be angry, and a very large minority of the
>> potential employment pool would view the employer as a much less desirable
>> place to work. Many employees of all political views might prefer that
>> their employer do the work of evaluating health plans and choosing a good
>> one, sparing them the burden.
>>
>>
>>
>> And for decades, a job with full benefits has been the marker of
>> first-tier employment; jobs without health insurance are distinctly
>> inferior. That may eventually change, when political passions have cooled,
>> when the exchanges are functioning smoothly, when their continuous
>> existence seems assured. But we certainly aren't there yet. An employer
>> following Marty's strategy would suffer serious damage in the employment
>> market, and suffer that damage for its owners' religious exercise. As in 
>> *Sherbert
>> v. Verner*, that economic damage is a burden on the underlying
>>  religious exercise.
>>
>>
>>
>> *Third* is the testimony supporting RLPA in 98 and 99. I'll put that in
>> a separate post.
>>
>>
>>
>> Douglas Laycock
>>
>> Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
>>
>> University of Virginia Law School
>>
>> 580 Massie Road
>>
>> Charlottesville, VA  22903
>>
>>      434-243-8546
>>
>>
>>
>> *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
>> religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Marty Lederman
>> *Sent:* Wednesday, February 19, 2014 10:33 PM
>> *To:* Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
>> *Subject:* recommended Hobby Lobby posts
>>
>>
>>
>> I have some further posts up on Balkinization.  More importantly, both
>> Chip Lupu/Bob Tuttle and Doug Laycock have excellent posts up as part of
>> the SCOTUSblog symposium, which I commend to all of you:
>>
>> Chip/Bob:
>> http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/02/symposium-religious-questions-and-saving-constructions/
>>
>> Doug:
>> http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/02/symposium-congress-answered-this-question-corporations-are-covered/
>>
>> I have questions/reactions to a couple of things in Doug's post:
>>
>> First, Doug argues that many or all members of Congress during the RLPA
>> debate assumed that the bill, which at the time was similar (but not
>> identical) to RFRA, would at least allow for-profit corporations or their
>> directors/owners to bring claims.  But as I recall, Doug and others also
>> reassured members of Congress, in public testimony, that large for-profit
>> companies would always or almost always *lose *under RLPA.  Doug, do you
>> think this is one of the rare or exceptional cases where the large
>> for-profit plaintiffs should win, and, if so, why is this the outlier?
>>
>> Second, Doug writes that "If these plaintiffs will not pay for what they
>> believe to be such an extraordinary wrong, then in the government's view, 
>> *they
>> are barred from owning any business with more than fifty employees*."
>> But it is simply not true that the consequence of excluding contraception
>> from the plan would be that the plaintiffs are "barred from owning any
>> business with more than fifty employees."  *Even if the company had
>> fewer than 50 employees, its plan would still have to include contraception*.
>> If *any* employer, with fewer *or *more than fifty employees, does not
>> wish to include all required services in an employee benefit plan, it has
>> two choices:  either be subject to prohibitive payments (in effect fines)
>> or get rid of their employee plan (in which case most of their employees
>> would be eligible for a subsidized plan on an exchange).  A more accurate
>> way of stating the law would be:  "If these plaintiffs, or any other
>> employers, do not include coverage in their companies' plans for what they
>> believe to be such an extraordinary wrong, then *they will have little
>> choice but to drop their plans."*
>>
>> Also, another small thing related to that sentence:  The individual
>> plaintiffs, at least in *Hobby Lobby*, would not "pay for" contraception
>> -- indeed, they are not even shareholders -- and their brief makes it
>> clear, I think, that *payment *is not the gravamen of their complaint.
>> See
>> http://balkin.blogspot.com/2014/02/hobby-lobby-part-viii-hobby-lobbys.html
>>
>>
>>
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>
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