Alan, I can’t speak for others who have been defending a principle against 
burden-shifting to third parties, but I do not believe it prohibits religion 
accommodations that result in costs to the government or to the public. Rather, 
the principle prohibits government accommodations that shift meaningful costs 
from religious citizens to other identifiable private citizens. And the reason 
for this is easy to articulate and deeply rooted — private citizens should not 
have to bear the costs associated with other citizens’ religious observance.

On Apr 1, 2015, at 4:07 PM, Alan E Brownstein 
<aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu<mailto:aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu>> wrote:

The problem I have with Jim's argument, if I understand him correctly, is that 
it seems to suggest that no religious exemption can be accepted if it causes 
any harm to a third party. (I'm not sure if Jim includes the general public or 
the public fisc in "third party.") I think many liberals believe (or at least 
they used to believe) that rights are expensive political goods. We protect 
them even if we have to incur some cost or harm to third parties or the public 
in order to do so. Of course, that leaves open the difficult question of 
determining when the price for protecting a right is too high. (And when we are 
talking about the right to discriminate in employment or public accommodations, 
leaving religious institutions aside, the price is almost always too high.) But 
I see no historical consensus that we only protect freedom of speech or 
religious liberty when the cost of doing so is zero. That certainly wasn't the 
understanding of freedom of speech that Justice Brandeis defended in his famous 
dissents on which contemporary free speech doctrine is based.

Indeed, the argument that we should only accept zero cost religious 
accommodations is not only inconsistent with the way we generally understand 
rights, it seems inconsistent with the way we evaluate government regulations 
generally. It is one thing to argue that we should reject a religious exemption 
when the harm or cost of granting it is too high. That position is consistent 
with the general cost benefit analysis we use to discuss any government 
decision. But why should we only accept zero cost religious accommodations? We 
routinely allow government to enact laws that result in some costs, burdens, 
and harms to third parties or the general public that serve a variety of 
purposes.

Alan


________________________________
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
<religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>> 
on behalf of James Oleske <jole...@lclark.edu<mailto:jole...@lclark.edu>>
Sent: Wednesday, April 1, 2015 12:22 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Eugene's Blog Post on Liberals and Exemption Rights

The butcher example Chip gives is why I suggested last spring that the Court 
might want to read the Lee language not as an absolute rule, but rather, a 
strong presumption against exemptions in the commercial realm that can be 
overcome in "the very rare case where the basis for the presumption (a 
third-party harm) does not exist." Alas, the Court instead simply discarded the 
Lee language wholesale by saying RFRA went further than the pre-Smith law.

- Jim


On Wed, Apr 1, 2015 at 12:09 PM, Ira Lupu 
<icl...@law.gwu.edu<mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu>> wrote:
I do not think most liberals oppose exemptions for businesses per se -- imagine 
a law that compelled a butcher to carry products in conflict with religious 
dietary laws to which the butcher and his customers subscribe.  Liberals oppose 
exemptions that impinge on the welfare of third parties -- Hobby Lobby (those 
female employees still do not have contraceptive coverage) or wedding vendor 
exemptions from public accommodations laws (those exemptions allow material and 
dignitary injury to potential customers). U.S. v. Lee involved injury to other 
family members of Amish employees, as well as others in the social insurance 
pool.


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