RE: FW from Chip Lupu: Elane Photography

2009-12-17 Thread Mark Tushnet
I'd appreciate an explanation of why the house photography case is harder if 
the refusal to photograph rests on a religious objection (for example, that 
one's religious beliefs require that one not facilitate the economic 
flourishing of gays).

Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138

ph:  617-496-4451 (office); 202-374-9571 (mobile)



-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Thu 12/17/2009 3:40 PM
To: 'Law  Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: FW from Chip Lupu: Elane Photography
 
If a photographer refused to photograph a bar mitzvah because he 
disapproved of its religious content, he should be free not to create such 
expression - and not be forced to pay for the exercise of this First Amendment 
right.

If the photographer refused to photograph something simply because 
of the identity of the commissioning people, and not because of the content of 
the work that would be created (e.g., a photographer refused to photograph a 
lesbian's house because the client is a lesbian), then we might have a 
potentially tougher question; I'm not sure.  But that's not this case, because 
here Elaine Huguenin stressed that her objection was to the content of the 
ceremony that she is being compelled to photograph, and not just to the 
identity of the payer.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
Sent: Thursday, December 17, 2009 12:35 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: FW from Chip Lupu: Elane Photography

What if it were not a wedding ceremony (legally recognized or not)?  But a 
Valentine's Day party or a New Year's Eve Party that the gay couple wanted  
memorialized?  Or the couple's child's birthday party or bar mitzva?

Could the photographer then refuse?  On what grounds?

This is pure status discrimination.  Is that allowed for freedom of conscience 
reasons?  Or freedom from compelled speech (implied endorsement of the subject 
of the photographs) grounds?  Is this any different from a gay wedding ceremony?

Is pay to not play an appropriate accommodation of the claimed 1st amend rights?

Steve

On Thu, Dec 17, 2009 at 3:22 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:


-Original Message-
From: Ira (Chip) Lupu [mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edumailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu]
Sent: Thursday, December 17, 2009 12:19 PM
To: Volokh, Eugene
Subject: Elane Photography

Eugene:

I'm at a computer from which I cannot post to the list.  But here's one 
question about your compelling interest argument re: New Mexico RFRA  -- What 
difference does it make that  NM does not legally recognize same-sex marriage?  
The claim here is about the refusal of a commercial photographer to perform her 
offered professional service at a ceremony.  It happens to be a wedding 
ceremony, but its legal significance (or absence of legal significance) has 
absolutely nothing to do with the claim.  The state protects gays and lesbians 
against discrimination in private markets for goods and services, and this 
claim arises in one of those markets.

Chip

Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood  Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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--
Prof. Steven Jamar
Howard University School of Law
Associate Director, Institute of Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
(IIPSJ) Inc.

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RE: Conflicts between religious exefcise and gay rights

2008-08-04 Thread Mark Tushnet
In connection with this discussion, it might be worth noting that prior to the 
Civil War there was, in the South, quite a vigorous discussion of why slavery 
was sancitoned by the Bible, and -- toward the end of the pre-war period -- why 
it was mandated by Ciristianity properly understood.

Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138

ph:  617-496-4451 (office); 202-374-9571 (mobile)



-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Mon 8/4/2008 12:10 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics; Law  Religion issues for Law 
Academics
Subject: Conflicts between religious exefcise and gay rights
 
I tend to agree with Alan here.  Of course there are occasional conflicts 
between gay rights laws and religious beliefs -- principally in the commercial 
sector, such as in employment and housing rentals -- but is it really that much 
of a problem?  Or is it a relatively infrequent phenomenon that's being 
exploited as a cudgel against gay rights?  (A sincere question -- I really am 
uncertain of the answer.)

I'm confident -- given that Doug and Anthony edited it -- that the new volume 
will be very worthwhile, fair and balanced.  But I have some trepidation that 
it, and similar endeavors, will unnecessarily add fuel to this fire.   Same-sex 
*marriage* implicates religious liberty?  How so?  It's not as if religious 
congregations will soon be compelled to offer membership to gay and lesbian 
couples, right?  Or that ministers will be legally required to perform same-sex 
ceremonies.

Of course, many people are deeply uncomfortable with same-sex marriage, and 
such discomfort often derives from (or finds sustenance in) certain religious 
moral codes.  But that's not the same as a threat to religious liberty, is it?  

I suppose this is one way of framing my doubts here:  Is this very different 
from the religiously motivated resistance when race- and sex-discrimination 
norms began to find favor in the law?  Twenty years from now, will today's 
religiously oriented opposition to gay rights seem as distant and odd to the 
ReligionLaw list of 2028 (still administered by Eugene, one can hope!) as the 
1960's resistance to race-and sex-discrimination laws looks to us now?

 

-- Original message --
From: Brownstein, Alan [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 If we are talking about conflicts between gay rights and religious liberty, 
 surely this is a coin that has two sides to it. Many gay people see religion 
 as 
 a sword that is being used to burden their liberty and equality rights. What 
 we 
 have are two groups claiming basic autonomy rights with each seeing the other 
 side as a threat to be feared, rather than as people with basic liberty 
 interests that need to be accommodated. When we have one side of the debate 
 arguing that to avoid potential conflicts with religious liberty, gay people 
 should be denied the right to marry or to be protected against discrimination 
 in 
 housing or employment, it is hardly surprising that the other side of the 
 debate 
 is going to offer little sympathy to requests for religious accommodation.
 
 I continue to believe that while there will be some real conflicts between 
 religious liberty and gay rights in some circumstances, at a deeper level 
 these 
 two assertions of autonomy rights can and should be positively reinforcing 
 each 
 other. Sometimes this happens inadvertantly. The Equal Access Act has helped 
 gay 
 and lesbian clubs be recognized at schools. But this was done over the 
 opposition of people who insisted that freedom of association and speech for 
 religious students should not be extended to gay students. To have the mutual 
 reinforcement of autonomy rights (that I think is possible) happen at a 
 broader, 
 practical level, however, there would have to be some commitment to 
 compromise 
 from both sides.
 
 Minor shameless plug, Doug. Take a look at the Findlaw column (published last 
 Friday) that Vik Amar and I recently
 wrote.
 
 Alan Brownstein
 UC Davis School of Law
 
 
 
 
 
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] On 
 Behalf Of Douglas Laycock [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Sent: Monday, August 04, 2008 7:13 AM
 To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 Subject: Defamation of Religion - and Gay Rights
 
 
 Mr. Diamond is quite right to see gay rights as the likely source of this 
 kind 
 of litigation in the US.  Marc Stern at the American Jewish Congress (and a 
 participant on this list) has a great chapter forthcoming on litigation to 
 date 
 over conflicts between gay rights and religious liberty and free speech.  The 
 Canadian speech cases are terrifying; the US cases in the context of schools 
 and 
 employment are quite unprotective of speech.
 
 This chapter is forthcoming in a book (now comes the shamless plug) that I 
 edited with Robin Fretwell Wilson at Washington  Lee and Anthony

RE: Sorry, wrong link to the homeschooling case

2008-03-05 Thread Mark Tushnet
Mightn't this be an ordinary sincerity case?

Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
223 Areeda Hall
Harvard Law School
Cambridge, MA  02138
ph:  617-496-4451 (office); 202-374-9571 (mobile); 617-496-4866 (fax)

-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Wednesday, March 05, 2008 3:49 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Sorry, wrong link to the homeschooling case

It should be
http://www.courtinfo.ca.gov/opinions/documents/B192878.DOC

Eugene
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RE: IIED and vagueness

2007-11-02 Thread Mark Tushnet
If the actual spatial relation between the location of the activity and those 
who are offended by it matters, it might be helpful for people to look at a map 
of Walter Reed Hospital, where the Code Pink demonstratins occurred, and 
compare the location to that in the funeral case.  (The Code Pink 
demonstratinos occurred, as I recall, at the Georgia Avenue entrance to the 
Walter Reed grounds, and if so, they occurred at a location rather far removed 
from any building in which resturned soldiers stayed as a regular matter; the 
entrance is a bit closer to some outbuildings on the grounds, the functions 
of which I am ignorant.)
 
Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138

ph:  617-496-4451 (office); 202-374-9571 (mobile)



From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of Esenberg, Richard
Sent: Fri 11/2/2007 9:20 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: IIED and vagueness



As others have suggested, I think it goes like this. It seems quite possible to 
suppose that military families will be offended by demonstrators, either, as 
with Code Pink, outside a military hospital (or, say at a military funeral), 
who suggest that their loved ones were wounded or killed in vain. Heck, we 
don't even have to speculate because news reports about those demonstrations 
reflected that families and servicemen were mightily offended.

If you want to say that there ought to be some rule that requires some level of 
nastiness that may not have been present at the Code Pink demonstrations, it's 
not hard to imagine (there are ample real world examples) that the 
demonstrators referred to soldiers as baby killers or to those who sent them 
overseas as war criminal.

Incidentally, I would be interested in references to studies showing that 
violence and insult are not evenly distributed across the political spectrum.

Rick Esenberg
Marquette University School of Law

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Newsom Michael [EMAIL 
PROTECTED]
Sent: Thursday, November 01, 2007 5:58 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: IIED and vagueness

Could you be a bit more specific about the factual context of the Code
Pink demonstrations?  How is it analogous to Westboro's conduct?

-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Esenberg,
Richard
Sent: Thursday, November 01, 2007 12:48 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: IIED and vagueness

Well, it certainly seems outrageous to me but I suspect that other
reasonable people might regard the Code Pink demonstrations outside the
Walter Reed Army Medical Center as, if not equally outrageous, at least
comparable in their tendency to upset those who are presumably in a
place in which there is some expectation of privacy and repose. (Don't
we regard hospitals, like funerals, as places in which a certain decorum
can be expected?)

A standard that would potentially restrict such protests seems
problematic and, again, it seems even more troubling to make it, as
seems to have been done here, a jury question.


Rick Esenberg
Visiting Assistant Professor of Law
Marquette University Law School
Sensenbrenner Hall
1103 W. Wisconsin Avenue
Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53201
(o) 414-288-6908
(m)414-213-3957
[EMAIL PROTECTED]



-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
Sent: Thursday, November 01, 2007 11:17 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: IIED and vagueness

What makes it outrageous is not the content per se, but the content in
the context.  And doesn't the old workhorse, our erstwhile objective
standard of outrageous to a reasonable person, save it from
unconstitutional vagueness?

Steve

On 11/1/07, Volokh, Eugene [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 Isn't a restriction on speech that is outrageous, and
inflicts
 severe emotional distress, where the speaker knows there's a high
 probability that severe emotional distress will be inflicted
 unconstitutionally vague, suffering from all three of the Grayned
 problems (risk of viewpoint discrimination in enforcement, difficulty
of
 telling when one is complying with the law, and resulting deterrent
 effect)?  'Outrageousness' in the area of political and social
 discourse has an inherent subjectiveness about it which would allow a
 jury to impose liability on the basis of the jurors' tastes or views,
or
 perhaps on the basis of their dislike of a particular expression.  (I
 also think it's unconstitutionally even setting aside the vagueness,
but
 as in many instances the vagueness is such an important problem that
it
 makes it hard to do the rest of the constitutional analysis, since
it's
 so hard to tell just what speech the law will restrict, even if
limited
 to cases where plaintiffs are private figures.)

 Eugene


--
Prof

Re: Christian Skating Time

2006-07-03 Thread Mark Tushnet
This is a puzzlement about the whole thread, not David's posting.  How --
legally -- is the skating rink's position different from one that featured a
Celebrate Being White night (or, to give a precise parallel in advertising, a
White Night at the Rink), advertising that there'd be music from identifiably
white performers and no rap or hip-hop (which I in my ignorance will assume are
roughly correlated with non-white performers, Eminem to the contrary
notwithstanding)?  Is the thought that the proprietor in that case would indeed
have just as strong a constitutional claim (a right of expressive association
claim, I would think) as the proprietor here?  Or that the state's interest in
addressing perceived racial discrimination is demonstrably greater than its
interest in addressing perceived religious discrimination (on the assumption,
which seems correct, that in neither case would non-Christians or non-whites
respectively be denied entry were they to show up)?  If the latter, what's the
warrant for a court's displacement of the legislative judgment that both forms
of perceived discrimination are worth legal response?  (Or, if you don't like
the legislative judgment in that sentence, substitute a version that invokes
Chevron-like deference to legal interpretations proferred by administrative
agencies.)
-- 
Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138


Quoting David Cruz [EMAIL PROTECTED]:



 On Mon, 3 Jul 2006, Paul Finkelman wrote:

  [snip]
  The other difference, of course, is that one IS religious and the other
  is not. It was not Catholic night at the ball park and I bet there
  were few priests bringing their sunday school class in for Polish
  Catholic night.

 If Paul's point is that religious sense's (or realities) of exclusion are
 different from non-religious ones, that's contestable.  Legally, however,
 exclusion based on Polishness could well be ancestry or national origin
 discrimination prohibited by some publica accommodations laws.

 In California, in order to make their Mother's Day promotions survive
 state public accommodations law, baseball stadia have taken to noting in
 fine print that the frilly pink Mother's Day tote would be available to
 the first X number of patrons not just mothers.  And one of the ACLU state
 affiliates argued that a business owner had a First Amendment right to put
 of a clearly exclusionary message as long as he did not actually
 discriminate on that basis.

 David B. Cruz
 Professor of Law
 University of Southern California Gould School of Law
 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071

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RE: Christian Skating Time

2006-07-03 Thread Mark Tushnet
Let me express my doubts about this assertion -- No one would doubt that a
Christian music concert could be held (and advertised) -- where the presenter
is a for-profit business.  (A genuine question:  How do for-profit concert
promoters advertise concerts by Christian rock groups?)
-- 
Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138


Quoting Scarberry, Mark [EMAIL PROTECTED]:

 The music is a substantial part of the skating experience. No one would
 doubt that a Christian music concert could be held (and advertised).
 Does the combination of a physical activity (skating) with the playing
 of music deprive the business owner of the free speech rights that a
 concert promoter would have?

 Suppose the owner of the rink decided to have a global warming evening
 featuring the audio from Vice President Gore's movie. Would that be
 permitted, even though a lot of people would choose not to come to the
 rink in order to avoid what they would perceive as propaganda? If it
 would be permitted, then doesn't the NY law discriminate against
 religious speech?

 And if, as I think someone suggested, a spiritual evening would be
 permitted, so long as it was inclusive by not focusing on any particular
 religious tradition, then isn't this a matter of viewpoint
 discrimination?

 Mark S. Scarberry
 Pepperdine University School of Law
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RE: Christian Skating Time

2006-07-03 Thread Mark Tushnet
This isn't an area of my speciality, but it seems to me that, simply as a matter
of positive law, the relevant decided cases -- that is, the decided cases
dealing more or less directly with the asserted conflict between free speech
and antidiscrimination law -- weigh strongly against Eugene's assertion. 
(After all, he's written quite a few articles pointing out how wrong the lower
courts are.)  Maybe the law should be as Eugene describes it -- although on
that see below -- but it's not at all clear to me that it is that.  (And, as
a jurisprudential matter, it seems to me, one ought to take decided cases into
account, along with general principles of course, in figuring out what the law
is and what it should be.  The common lawyer in me thinks that judges with
responsibility for deciding actual cases might develop principles more attuned
to the problems they see before them than they -- or we -- would by reflecting
on First Amendment generalities.  Common lawyers, as Louis Henkin put it, draw
lines all the time -- principled lines -- informed by the particulars of the
cases before them without degenerating into making ad hoc rulings on the basis
of those particulars.)

And, on a more normative note, I would think that a position, which seems to me
Eugene's, that Lester Maddox had a valid First Amendment right to refuse
service to African Americans at his restaurant (because the law requiring him
to provide such service would place a substantial burden, and for viewpoint
related reasons, on his right to express his deeply held racist views by means
of expressive conduct) says something very bad about the state of the First
Amendment law as Eugene would construct it.
-- 
Mark Tushnet
William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Areeda 223
Cambridge, MA  02138


Quoting Volokh, Eugene [EMAIL PROTECTED]:

   Well, if Mark is right, doesn't that say something very bad
 about the current state of First Amendment law?  Given that for-profit
 speakers and speech presenters are fully protected by the First
 Amendment (see, e.g, the New York Times, CNN, etc.), isn't it quite
 clear that for-profit presentations of Christian music, racist music
 (whether white or black racist), anti-gay music,
 anti-fundamentalist-Christian music, anti-Catholic music, or whatever
 else should be entirely constitutionally protected, at least under
 current Supreme Court precedents?

  -Original Message-
  From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Mark Tushnet
  Sent: Monday, July 03, 2006 11:37 AM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics; Scarberry, Mark
  Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: RE: Christian Skating Time
 
  Let me express my doubts about this assertion -- No one
  would doubt that a Christian music concert could be held (and
  advertised) -- where the presenter is a for-profit business.
   (A genuine question:  How do for-profit concert promoters
  advertise concerts by Christian rock groups?)
  --
  Mark Tushnet
  William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law Harvard Law School
  Areeda 223 Cambridge, MA  02138
 
 
  Quoting Scarberry, Mark [EMAIL PROTECTED]:
 
   The music is a substantial part of the skating experience.
  No one would
   doubt that a Christian music concert could be held (and advertised).
   Does the combination of a physical activity (skating) with
  the playing
   of music deprive the business owner of the free speech rights that a
   concert promoter would have?
  
   Suppose the owner of the rink decided to have a global
  warming evening
   featuring the audio from Vice President Gore's movie. Would that be
   permitted, even though a lot of people would choose not to
  come to the
   rink in order to avoid what they would perceive as propaganda? If it
   would be permitted, then doesn't the NY law discriminate against
   religious speech?
  
   And if, as I think someone suggested, a spiritual evening would be
   permitted, so long as it was inclusive by not focusing on
  any particular
   religious tradition, then isn't this a matter of viewpoint
   discrimination?
  
   Mark S. Scarberry
   Pepperdine University School of Law
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  viewed as
   private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read
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   forward the messages to others.
  
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Re: RE: RE: Taxpayer Standing

2006-05-06 Thread Mark Tushnet
Just an oops from me, and a lesson to us all -- when you're away from home 
and your materials, be very cautious about what you write (even if you've 
waited, as I did, to see if anyone responds to an initial inquiry)!  But at 
least the initial question now appears to have been answered.

- Original Message -
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Friday, May 5, 2006 9:13 pm
Subject: RE: RE: Taxpayer Standing

 Doug:  Do you think that the Spending Clause/Property Clause 
 distinction (Flast v. Valley Forge), articluated in Kendrick, 
 *makes any constitutional sense*?
 
 Moreover, although Mark may have been wrong about the specific 
 facts of Mitchell, he's right that the Court has recognized 
 *state* taxpayer standing in *many* Establishment Clause cases 
 (see, e.g., those enumerated in note 5 of Grand Rapids v. Ball), 
 and in suggesting that there's no justification for treating state 
 and federal taxpayers differently *for purposes of Article 3 
 standing.*
 Indeed, in light of the fact that the Court has recognized 
 taxpayer standing in countless EC cases through the years, with 
 nary a problem of absence-of-adversariness, case-or-controversy, 
 concreteness of argument, etc., doesn't this demonstrate that 
 Valley Forge may be wrong, and, more broadly, that the underlying 
 doctrine disfavoring taxpayer standing to raise claims of 
 unconstitutional conduct is misguided and serves little or no 
 valid constitutional function?
 
 
 -- Original message --
 From: Douglas Laycock [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  But it was federal money and a suit in federal court. I have not 
 read the district court opinion or the sources of this standard 
 answer, but
  I don't think state taxpayer standing would suffice. 
  
  Isn't this on the spending clause side of the line because the
  government spent actual money, even though the schools received only
  property?  Valley Forge involved surplus property that the 
 government had long owned, not property it had just acquired for 
 cash.  Indeed, I
  would not be surprised to learn that the feds never owned the 
 equipment in Mitchell even for a moment -- that the feds gave 
 cash to the state
  education agency, and that it bought the equipment.
  
  
  Douglas Laycock
  University of Texas Law School
  727 E. Dean Keeton St.
  Austin, TX  78705
 512-232-1341 (phone)
 512-471-6988 (fax)
  
  -Original Message-
  From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Mark Tushnet
  Sent: Friday, May 05, 2006 6:04 AM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: Re: RE: Taxpayer Standing
  
  The standard answer on taxpayer standing in Mitchell is that the
  criteria differ for state taxpayer standing and federal taxpayer
  standing.  The distinction goes back a long way, although I 
 doubt that
  it has ever been rationalized well.
  Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
  boundary=_cf6ba300-6cc9-4fbe-9346-86e4bf77537c_
  
  
  --_cf6ba300-6cc9-4fbe-9346-86e4bf77537c_
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begin:vcard
n:Tushnet;Mark
fn:Mark Tushnet,tushnet
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Re: Use of Religion to Achieve Secular Ends

2006-05-06 Thread Mark Tushnet
Coming late to this thread, and noting that the discussion has gone off in a 
different direction, I'd simply reinforce Marty's observation that the view 
that 'religious transformation [and]  faith' are good (when freely embraced) 
is a theological proposition, by noting that it's perfectly coherent 
(theologically) to accept the proposition that religious transformation and 
faith are good even when embraced as a result of coercion (though of course 
there may be evidentiary concerns in particular instances of whether the faith 
is indeed embraced in the theologically relevant sense after coercion).

- Original Message -
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Friday, May 5, 2006 9:30 pm
Subject: Use of Religion to Achieve Secular Ends

 The other day I posted about the unconstitutionality of the BOP 
 religious-rehabilitation funding program.  See 
 http://balkin.blogspot.com/2006/04/blatantly-unconstitutional-
 federal.html.
 FYI, the Freedom from Religion Foundation has now sued to 
 challenge the program:
 
 http://ffrf.org/legal/gonzales_complaint.html
 
 Rob Vischer and Rick Garnett have each posted thoughtful questions 
 about my assertion that the state's interest in promoting 
 religious transformation is an illegitimate (and troubling) 
 governmental objective.
 
 Vischer:
 
 http://www.mirrorofjustice.com/mirrorofjustice/2006/05/government_fund.html
 
 Garnett:
 
 http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2006/05/religion_in_pri_1.html
 
 Rick writes, for example, the following:
 
 I certainly share Marty's (and Madison's) concern about religious 
 faith being reduced to a convenient means for achieving the 
 government's secular ends.  That said, I'm not sure why it 
 should be unconstitutional -- or, in any event, why it would be 
 profoundly disturbing -- for the government, as a general 
 matter, to take, and act on (in non-coercive ways, of course, and 
 consistent with the freedom of conscience), the view that 
 religious transformation [and]  faith are good (when freely 
 embraced).  There are dangers here, absolutely.  Still . . . (To 
 be clear:  I'm not necessarily endorsing this particular program.) 
 
 Also, Marty writes, [t]he government cannot specifically aim at 
 religious transformation as a means of accomplishing those secular 
 ends.  Does this mean, I wonder, that government may (or should) 
 not act with an eye specifically toward protecting, and even 
 creating, the conditions required (in the government's view) for 
 the flourishing of religious faith and freedom?
 
 
 To which I have posted a response that includes the following.  
 (I'd very much appreciate reactions on, especially, the fourth and 
 final point):
 
 1. You ask whether my critique means that government may (or 
 should) not act with an eye specifically toward protecting, and 
 even creating, the conditions required (in the government's view) 
 for the flourishing of religious faith and freedom?
 
 No, it doesn't *entirely* mean that. One of the principal 
 objectives of the religion clauses themselves is to encourage or 
 require the government to act so as to eliminate *government-
 created obstacles* to the flourishing of religious faith and 
 freedom. So, for example, I favor -- and have worked to enact and 
 defend -- certain religious accommodation statutes, such as RFRA 
 and RLUIPA.
 
 However, although the state may advance the view that religious 
 *freedom* (including the freedom to reject religion) is a good 
 thing in and of itself, it may not advance the view that religious 
 *faith* is a positive good in and of itself -- or that it's the 
 means to valuable secular ends.
 
 2. The government is simply not capable of determining whether 
 religious transformation [and] faith are a good thing (when 
 freely embraced) -- that's a question that is beyond the ken of 
 secular authorities, who do not have the (basically theological) 
 tools to make such determinations. Nor should the state try to do 
 so -- that's not the proper role of government. (Or so argues the 
 Madisonian, and modern, view of the Religion Clauses -- and I 
 agree, although I'm very interested in hearing dissenting views.) 
 And so it surely follows that government may not discriminate in 
 favor of religion in the dispersal of funds on the basis of such 
 judgments concerning the value of faith.
 
 3. I think it's also troubling, and unconstitutional, for the 
 state to conclude that religious transformation or faith is 
 correlated with secular objectives that the state *is* entitled to 
 promote, such as civic behavior, rehabilitation, cessation of 
 alcohol dependence, etc. For one thing -- and this isn't a 
 constitutional point -- as far as I can tell, it's simply not 
 true: If anything, human history (including, of course, obvious 
 dramatic recent examples) pellucidly demonstrates that religious 
 faith is no guarantee at all of righteousness, lack of cruelty, or 
 law-abiding conduct.
 
 More to the 

Re: RE: Taxpayer Standing

2006-05-05 Thread Mark Tushnet
The standard answer on taxpayer standing in Mitchell is that the criteria 
differ for state taxpayer standing and federal taxpayer standing.  The 
distinction goes back a long way, although I doubt that it has ever been 
rationalized well.
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary=_cf6ba300-6cc9-4fbe-9346-86e4bf77537c_


--_cf6ba300-6cc9-4fbe-9346-86e4bf77537c_
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=Windows-1252
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Now is a good time to ask a question that has bothered me for awhile: Why _=
was_ there taxpayer standing in Mitchell v. Helms?  I'm not talking about t=
he executive/congressional distinction.  I just don't know why this didn't =
fall under Valley Forge rather than Flast -- the case was about property af=
ter all, not funds.  And, even worse for claims of taxpayer standing, the s=
chools didn't even get to hold on to the property -- the state retained tit=
le at all times.  It may just be that I'm missing something obvious, but I =
just don't see how this gets out from under Valley Forge. =20


From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]: [EMAIL PROTECTED]: Thu, 4 =
May 2006 08:14:13 -0400Subject: Taxpayer Standing



As many of you know, the Seventh Circuit denied the petition for rehearing =
en banc in FFRF v. Chao yesterday:  http://www.ca7.uscourts.gov/tmp/SM0EVXT=
9.pdf.
=20
Many of the judges expressly urge the Supreme Court to hear the case in ord=
er to bring some sense to its taxpayer standing jurisprudence, which Easter=
brook calls arbitrary:  comprehensiveness and rationality are not this d=
octrine=92s hallmarks.
=20
I'd advise anyone who cares about Establishment Clause doctrine -- from any=
 perspective -- to start boning up on standing doctrine, and to begin prepa=
ring arguments to make to the SCOTUS if it should grant cert. in this case.=
  If the Court were, for example, to limit Flast significantly, I think tha=
t could have a dramatic impact on the Executive branch's willingness to pus=
h the envelope (witness the BOP prison case that I posted about last week: =
 In any challenge to it, the U.S. is much more likely to win on standing th=
an on the merits.).
=20
I have very little knowledge of the intracacies of Flast and Valley Forge, =
etc.  But one thing about yesterday's opinions did stand out:  The dissente=
rs argue that whereas there is taxpayer standing to challenge congressional=
 expenditures, there is no standing to challenge religion-based funding dec=
isions made by the Executive branch.  That can't be right, can it?  If it w=
ere, then the as applied challenges in cases such as Bowen v. Kendrick (o=
n remand) and Mitchell v. Helms should have been dismissed on standing grou=
nds.  But the Court indicated that those sorts of challenges were permissib=
le.
=20
One other note:  A reminder that the Posner distinctions in his opinion for=
 the panel in the FFRF v. Chao case make little sense substantively, in my =
view.  This is what I posted back in January:
=20

A divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit issued=
 a somewhat interesting opinion today affirming taxpayer standing for a FFR=
F suit challenging conferences organized by the Administration's Centers fo=
r Community and Faith-Based Initiatives:
=20
http://www.ca7.uscourts.gov/tmp/PJ17J3CP.pdf
=20
I must confess that the intracacies of the taxpayer standing doctrine make =
my eyes glaze over, and my head hurt; but for those of you who are interest=
ed in such things, the opinions appear to be a treasure trove . . .=20
=20
I have a question, however, about an incidental discussion in Posner's majo=
rity opinion about the merits of the EC claim:
=20
FFRF alleges that CFBI Conferences are designed to promote religious commu=
nity organizations over secular ones.  In other words, the complaint appar=
ently is not about CFBI social-service funding decisions, but about the con=
ferences themselves, and the allegation that at such conferences the CFBI C=
enters promote religious organizations over nonreligious organizations.  =
Here's the curious passage in the Posner opinion:

The complaint=97all we have to go on at this stage=97is wordy, vague, and i=
n places frivolous, as where it insinuates that the President is violating =
the establishment clause by =93tout[ing] the allegedly unique capacity of f=
aith-based organizations to provide effective social services=94=97 as if t=
he President were not entitled to express his opinion about such organizati=
ons. But the complaint is not entirely frivolous, for it portrays the confe=
rences organized by the various Centers as propaganda vehicles for religion=
, and should this be proved one could not dismiss the possibility that the =
defendants are violating the establishment clause, because it has been inte=
rpreted to require that the government be neutral between religion and irre=
ligion as well as between sects.
What distinction is Posner trying to draw here?  If a presidentially create=
d program holds 

Re: St. Paul City Office Boots Easter Bunny

2006-03-27 Thread Mark Tushnet
I can't tell from the news story whether the bunny was part of 
the secretary's personal space or whether it was in a space 
concededly under the control of the city council, although the 
story suggests the latter (it appears that the city council 
president directed that the bunny be removed, not that she 
directed the secretary to remove the bunny).  But, if the latter, it 
seems to me that the legal issue here is simple:  The city council 
has no obligation to display anything at all, and [subject to Pico-
like questions about motivation, here of anti-religious animus] 
removing something out of concern, perhaps ill-founded or over-
sensitive, about causing offense would not seem to raise any 
serious legal question.

- Original Message -
From: Volokh, Eugene [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Tuesday, March 28, 2006 1:23 am
Subject: St. Paul City Office Boots Easter Bunny

 The AP reports, http://www.beliefnet.com/story/188/
story_18830_1.html:
 A small Easter display was removed from the City Hall lobby 
on
 Wednesday out of concern that it would offend non-Christians.
 
 The display -- a cloth Easter bunny, pastel-colored eggs and 
a sign
 with the words 'Happy Easter' -- was put up by a City Council 
 secretary.They were not purchased with city money.
 
 Tyrone Terrill, the city's human rights director, asked that the
 decorations be removed. Terrill said no citizen had complained 
to
 him 
 
 In 2001, red poinsettias were briefly banned from a holiday 
 display [in
 City Hall] because they were associated with Christmas.
 
 I should mention that Human Rights Director Terrill also filed a
 complaint against the St. Paul Press newspaper claiming that a 
 raciallythemed cartoon created a hostile public 
accommodations 
 environment, but
 eventually dropped it as a result of public pressure.  See 
Charge of
 Discrimination, Terrill v. Saint Paul Pioneer Press, case no. 
A-3497
 (St. Paul Dep't of Hum. Rts. docketed June 7, 1999); Charles 
 Laszewski,Human Rights Complaint Against Newspaper 
Appears to Be a 
 First, ST. PAUL
 PIONEER PRESS, June 11, 1999, at 4D; Charles Laszewski, 
Terrill 
 Says He
 Will Drop Newspaper Bias Charge, ST. PAUL PIONEER 
PRESS, June 23, 
 1999,at 6B.
 
 Eugene
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Re: Sabbatarians and deadlines

2006-03-24 Thread Mark Tushnet
This isn't the kind of thing I think about a lot, but I wonder what (if 
any) assumptions are made -- in the question anjd by the 
hypothesized state institution -- about the category 
Sabbatarians.  I think the usual definition is those who obserfve 
their holy day on Saturday, and if that's right, what does the state 
do about or assume about those who observe their holy day on 
Sunday?  Or is it that the category really isn't Sabbatarians but 
those whose religious beliefs require that they abstain from 
certain activities, a category that encompasses the activities at 
issue here, on their holy day whenever it occurs?

- Original Message -
From: Volokh, Eugene [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Friday, March 24, 2006 7:57 pm
Subject: Sabbatarians and deadlines

   Thinking about some of our UCLA Law School assignments,
 especially ones that have relatively short deadlines, led me to 
ask
 this:  Do public universities in states with accommodation 
regimes
 (under RFRA or under Sherbert/Yoder-based state Free 
Exercise Clause
 rules) have an obligation to extend some deadlines for 
 Sabbatarians?  
 
   The law review competition, for instance, starts Thursday
 afternoon and ends Wednesday afternoon; it's generally 
believed that
 many students really do need all six days to do a good job.  Say 
the
 competition was conducted by school (which it isn't, but say it 
was).
 Sabbatarians would have only five days on which they could do 
the
 competition, but others have six; would the school have an 
 obligation to
 give Sabbatarians an extra day?
 
   What if this were a 72-hour take home exam, given Friday 
morning
 and due Monday morning?
 
   Eugene
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Re: Research question

2006-03-08 Thread Mark Tushnet




Thanks.

Marc Stern wrote:

  
  
   Mark:
I would add something about gay rights and probably something about
prayer-even
Cvhritisn prayer in public spaces including public schools.  
   Marc Stern  
  
  
 
   From:  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
  On Behalf Of Mark Tushnet
  Sent: Tuesday, March 07, 2006 9:27
AM
  To: Law  Religion issues for
Law; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics 
  Subject: "Research"
question   
  
  
   I'm writing something in which I try to describe (in
as neutral a way as I can) the litigation goals likely to be sought in
the
foreseeable (mid-range) future by (and here it's hard to offer a
neutral
characterization, but) what I describe as the politically mobilized
Christian
evangelical movement. Here's my list. Additions and amendments (not
all of which I'll accept, of course) welcome:
  
Few of the issues of interest to the politically mobilized Christian
evangelical movement are off the wall, [1] 
and a fair number are close to acceptance already. (1) Obviously,
the overruling of Roe v. Wade,
but not . . . the adoption of a constitutional requirement that
abortion be lawful only under quite restricted conditions. (2)
Acknowledgment by government of the (essential) role of Christianity in
the
creation of the United States ,
and in embedding basic values in American political culture. (3)
Extension of public support for faith-based institutions, including
religiously
affiliated schools, whether through vouchers or direct grants. (4)
Protection from the application of anti-discrimination laws to those
whose
decisions, otherwise covered by such laws, rest on religious grounds.
(5) A cluster of issues related to the teaching of the Darwinian
theory
of evolution in public schools: (a) Establishing the proposition
that it is constitutionally permissible to characterize that theory as
a
mere theory; (b) allowing public schools to teach alternatives to
Darwinian theory even though those alternatives can be characterized as
religious; (c) requiring public schools to reach such alternatives.
(6) Again, a cluster of issues aimed at eliminating some regulations
imposed on religiously affiliated schools.  
  
  
  The
only one I can think of is the possibility that governments could issue
declarations that the United States is a Christian nation, and it
is not clear to me that there is any real (as distinct from rhetorical)
interest
in the movement in seeing that legislatures adopt such declarations. 
  
  
   
  
   
   --    
   Mark Tushnet   
 GeorgetownUniversity   Law   Center 
 600 New Jersey Ave. NW 
 Washington  ,  DC   20001
   202-662-9106 (voice)   
   202-662-9497 (fax)   
  
  

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Mark Tushnet
Georgetown University Law Center 
600 New Jersey Ave. NW
Washington, DC 20001
202-662-9106 (voice)
202-662-9497 (fax)



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Research question

2006-03-07 Thread Mark Tushnet




I'm writing something in which I try to describe (in as neutral a way
as I can) the litigation goals likely to be sought in the foreseeable
(mid-range) future by (and here it's hard to offer a neutral
characterization, but) what I describe as the politically mobilized
Christian evangelical movement. Here's my list. Additions and
amendments (not all of which I'll accept, of course) welcome:

Few of
the issues of interest to the politically
mobilized Christian evangelical movement are off the wall,[1]
and a fair number are close to acceptance already. (1) Obviously,
the overruling of Roe v. Wade, but
not . . . the adoption of a constitutional requirement
that abortion be lawful only under quite restricted conditions. (2) Acknowledgment
by government of the
(essential) role of Christianity in the creation of the United States,
and in embedding basic values in American political culture. (3)
Extension of public support for faith-based institutions,
including
religiously affiliated schools, whether through vouchers or direct
grants. (4)
Protection from the application of anti-discrimination laws to
those
whose decisions, otherwise covered by such laws, rest on religious
grounds. (5) A cluster
of issues related to the teaching
of the Darwinian theory of evolution in public schools:
(a)
Establishing the proposition that it is constitutionally
permissible to
characterize that theory as a mere theory; (b) allowing public
schools to
teach alternatives to Darwinian theory even though those alternatives
can be
characterized as religious; (c) requiring public schools to reach such
alternatives. (6) Again,
a cluster of issues aimed at
eliminating some regulations imposed on religiously affiliated schools.




[1]
The only one I can think of is the possibility that governments could
issue
declarations that the United States is a Christian nation, and it is
not
clear to me that there is any real (as distinct from rhetorical)
interest in the movement in seeing that legislatures adopt such
declarations.



-- 
Mark Tushnet
Georgetown University Law Center 
600 New Jersey Ave. NW
Washington, DC 20001
202-662-9106 (voice)
202-662-9497 (fax)



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Re: Research question

2006-03-07 Thread Mark Tushnet




A couple of questions:

First, about this: "the primary litigation goal of Christian
conservativesis the defense
of traditional marriage, to uphold the idea that marriage is a
relationship between one man and one woman, and that no substitutes for
marriage should be recognized." Does this mean that the litigation
goal is to establish that a statutory recognition of same-sex marriage
is unconstitutional, or only that it is not constitutionally required?

Second, why isn't school choice encompassed within my (3)? Certainly
the Colorado Christian University case fits within it.

Rick Duncan wrote:

  
  Mark: I am pretty closely connected to most of the religious
liberty public interest lawyers and litigation, and I don't know what
to think of your list. It doesn't sound like what I hear my friends
talking about.
  
  First, I think right now the primary litigation goal of
Christian conservativesis the defense of traditional marriage, to
uphold the idea that marriage is a relationship between one man and one
woman, and that no substitutes for marriage should be recognized. In
other words, they wish to defend the line between tolerance and
celebration of alternative lifestyles.
  
  Second, I think the idea of school choice is becoming more and
more important to Christian conservatives. Cases like the Colorado
Christian University case, in which college scholarships can be used to
attendnon-pervasively sectarian, but not pervasively sectarian
colleges, must be won, and Locke v. Davey needs to be reversed in!
time. Long term it would be wonderful to see the Court hold that
religious neutrality requires states to offer school choice to parents
to enable them to protect theirchildren from being held as part of a
captive audience for governmental inculcation.
  
  Third, free exercise must be protected under the First Amendment
(Smith is a great threat to religious liberty and must be reversed or
its exceptions must be given full force).
  
  Fourth, I think I would describe the I.D. issue as one involving
greater local control over school boards. Curriculum decisions should
be made in the local political process, not by a body of unelected
lawyers sitting in judgment concerning people's "purposes." Of course,
if weget school choice, all this matters a lot less.
  
  Fifth, Christian conservatives continue to be the leading
defenders of free speech today, whether it bein Sweden in the Ake
Gree! n case,in public schools defending equal access, in Locke v.
Daveychallenging viewpoint discrimination in scholarships, in law
schools defending the right of the CLS to meet on campus,or in front
of abortion clinics defending speech in traditional public fora.
  
  I don't think anyone really wants a "Christian Nation" decision.
I think my friends simply want religious speech--not just Christian
speech but religious speech more generally--to be respected in the
public square. In other words, public schools and local
governmentsshould be as free to recognize religious holidays and
symbols as they are to celebrate Earth Day, MLK Day, or Gay Pride
Month. 
  
  Indeed, a coercion test (as opposed to an endorsement test)
under the EC would probably satisfy most Christian conservatives. If no
one's liberty is substantially burdened by a Ten Commandments display
or a Nativity Scene in a public park or school, there ! is no reason
for courts to intervene under the EC. All dissenters need do is avert
the eye. Just as the Christian must avert the eye if he is offended by
a Gay Pride display, the secularist can avert the eye if he is bothered
by a Ten Commandments display.
  
  Indeed, Justice Thomas' idea that the EC is incorporated only to
the extent that it protects a liberty interest would be just about
right. Only when someone's liberty interest under the EC is
substantially burdened should federal courts intervene aginst state and
local government under the incorporated EC.
  
  I hope this helps a little. I would be happy to discuss these
matters with you.
  
  Rick Duncan
  
  Mark Tushnet [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
  I'm writing something in which I try to describe (in as
neut! ral a way as I can) the litigation goals likely to be sought in
the foreseeable (mid-range) future by (and here it's hard to offer a
neutral characterization, but) what I describe as the politically
mobilized Christian evangelical movement. Here's my list. Additions
and amendments (not all of which I'll accept, of course) welcome:

Few of the issues of interest to the politically mobilized
Christian evangelical movement are off the wall,[1]!--[endif]--
and a fair number are close to acceptan! ce already. (1)
Obviously, the overruling of Roe v. Wade, but not .
. . the adoption of a constitutional requirement that abortion be
lawful only under quite restricted conditions. (2) Acknowledgment
by government of the (essential) role of Christianity in the creation
of the United States , and in embedding basi

Breaking news in federal RFRA case

2006-02-21 Thread Mark Tushnet
the Court ruled unanimously that the government may not ban a religious 
from using a herbal tea that contains a substance that the government 
considers to be harmful. The Chief Justice wrote the opinion. Only new 
Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr., did not take part. -- from SCOTUS Blog


--
Mark Tushnet
Georgetown University Law Center 
600 New Jersey Ave. NW

Washington, DC 20001
202-662-9106 (voice)
202-662-9497 (fax)

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Silent Night controversy

2005-12-14 Thread Mark Tushnet
I have no idea what the truth of the matter is, but here's a different 
account of what happened in connection with the Silent Night 
episode on which there was a post earlier today:

http://thinkprogress.org/2005/12/14/silent-night-fraud
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Re: RE: The Holiday That Dare Not Speak Its Name

2005-11-28 Thread Mark Tushnet
The following is not directed at any particular participant in this 
thread, but those who have been on this list for more than a year 
know that this thread repeats one from last year (and, although 
memory fades, probably the year before that, and the year 
before that ...).  I wonder if those who have participated in those 
discussions could ask themselves, Am I about to post 
something that I've said before, or do I have something new to 
say?  [Some of the posts have been genuinely new, in my 
judgment, but many have not been.]  Otherwise, our e-
mailboxes fill up rapidly, without much pay-off for being a list 
member.

- Original Message -
From: Will Linden [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Monday, November 28, 2005 8:24 pm
Subject: RE: The Holiday That Dare Not Speak Its Name

 At 02:37 PM 11/28/05 -0800, you wrote:
 
 As for being offended by having someone wish me a Merry 
Christmas. I
 don't get offended. But like most people, I appreciate being 
 positivelyacknowledged for who I am and what I believe. I 
don't 
 experience that
 when people tell me Merry Christmas.
 
 And what gives you the impression that believing Christians 
 experience 
 being positively acknowledged by being told Merry 
Christmas by 
 people 
 we doubt have any appreciation of its true significance, and 
 probably 
 repeat empty syllables as a matter of rote? You might as well 
 consider 
 Godblessyou at a sneeze as a positive acknowledgement of 
 religious 
 convictions. (And yes, there are atheists who at least claim to 
be 
 offended 
 by THAT.)
 
 
 
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Re: Stephen Carter on what Christians should expect from the Supreme Court

2005-11-01 Thread Mark Tushnet
Having now read the article, I think it appropriate to quote what in 
my view is the deepest insight I've ever heard about religion and 
the Constitution (an insight not inconsistent, I think, with Carter's 
perspective).  It's from the late John Howard Yoder, the Amish 
theologian, and -- I think I have the words almost exactly -- it is:  
It's not the Christian's job to solve Satan's problems.
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary==_alternative 005FCD49862570AC_=


--=_alternative 005FCD49862570AC_=
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII

An excellent article, in my opinion, one that those on both the right and 
the left would do well to consider.

http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2005/011/18.96.html

Brad
--=_alternative 005FCD49862570AC_=
Content-Type: text/html; charset=US-ASCII


brfont size=2 face=sans-serifAn excellent article, in my opinion,
one that those on both the right and the left would do well to consider./font
br
brfont size=2 
face=sans-serifhttp://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2005/011/18.96.html/font
br
brfont size=2 face=sans-serifBrad/font
--=_alternative 005FCD49862570AC_=--
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Re: New lawsuit against U Cal Berkeley

2005-10-19 Thread Mark Tushnet
I wonder whether this analysis can be reconciled (even on the level of 
quite plausible) with Lynch and Pinette, and the 
reasonable-observer-who-knows-a-fair-amount-of-the-context, etc., test 
for endorsement.  Or, is the test for endorsement more stringent when 
the view endorsed is secularist as against religious?


Volokh, Eugene wrote:


My apologies to Ed Brayton, whose earlier posts I regrettably
failed to properly grasp; I quite erroneously focused solely on the
NCSEWeb site, to which the Berkeley site links, and failed to focus --
as he correctly points out we should focus -- on the context.

Nonetheless, it seems to me that even if we include the context,
there is still a viable (as I've said before, hardly open-and-shut, but
quite plausible) endorsement objection. Here's the material from the
Berkeley site:



Misconception:
Evolution and religion are incompatible.

Response:
Religion and science (evolution) are very different things. In science,
only natural causes are used to explain natural phenomena, while
religion deals with beliefs that are beyond the natural world.

The misconception that one always has to choose between science and
religion is incorrect. Of course, some religious beliefs explicitly
contradict science (e.g., the belief that the world and all life on it
was created in six literal days); however, most religious groups have no
conflict with the theory of evolution or other scientific findings. In
fact, many religious people, including theologians, feel that a deeper
understanding of nature actually enriches their faith. Moreover, in the
scientific community there are thousands of scientists who are devoutly
religious and also accept evolution.

For concise statements from many religious organizations regarding
evolution, see Voices for Evolution on the NCSE Web site [linking to the
site on which various groups opine on the proper interpretation of
Christianity and Judaism, and conclude that this proper interpretation
is consistent with evolution].



It is indeed factually true that the view that one always has
to choose between science and religion is incorrect -- most claims that
include the word always are incorrect.  Nonetheless, it seems to me
that in context a reasonable person could quite properly read these
paragraphs as not just demographic reports on religious attitudes but as
endorsement of one particular interpretation of Christianity and
Judaism.  Note how the one provided example of a religious belief that
contradicts evolution is six-literal-day Creationism, an example that
I'm pretty sure most readers would see as a negative one.  Nothing is
said of what I understand to be the much larger groups who disagree with
evolution on religious grounds but don't believe the world was created
in six literal days.  The rest of the paragraphs is devoted to what I
suspect most reasonable readers would see as positive descriptions of
those religious groups that do see their religions as consistent with
evolution; and then there is a link that seems pretty clearly an
endorsement -- not just an objective well, here's what some people say
with no positive connotation -- of those religious beliefs.

There can surely be objective discussions of religious views on
evolution, which aren't likely to be seen as an endorsement of some such
views, and aren't likely to be intended as an endorsement of some such
views.  But this doesn't seem to be it.

Finally, imagine a Web page maintained by a government-run
institution, and aimed at supporting some curriculum that teaches
students to oppose euthanasia (a view that of course public schools are
constitutionally free to teach, though I'm not sure that many indeed to
teach it; this page says:

Of course, some religious beliefs explicitly tolerate euthanasia (e.g.,
the belief that there's nothing wrong with killing); however, most
religious groups do not support euthanasia.  In fact, many religious
people, including theologians, feel that supporting a culture of life
actually enriches their faith.  Moreover, in the medical community there
are thousands of doctors who are devoutly religious and also reject
euthanasia.

For concise statements from many religious organizations regarding
euthanasia, see Voices for Life on the VFL Web site [linking to a site
on which various groups opine on the proper interpretation of
Christianity and Judaism, and conclude that this proper interpretation
rejects euthanasia].

Is this an endorsement of a particular set of religious beliefs
(beliefs that Christianity and Judaism, as rightly interpreted, reject
euthanasia), or just a non-endorsing objective summary of facts about
religious belief?

Eugene
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New lawsuit against U Cal Berkeley

2005-10-18 Thread Mark Tushnet
Any thoughts on this:  http://insidehighered.com/news/2005/10/18/evolution .  It's a report of 
a lawsuit filed against U Cal Berkeley for maintaining a web-site designed for high school teachers seeking information on evolution (the site is http://evolution.berkeley.edu/ ).  The complaint apparently alleges that including a link on the web-site to a compilation of statements by religious groups and leaders to the effect that evolution is not incompatible with religious belief violates the Establishment Clause.  The compilation was assembled by the National Center for Science Education, and is available at 
http://www.ncseweb.org/resources/articles/7445_statements_from_religious_org_12_19_2002.asp#top.  
The link from the Berkeley web-site reads: What statements do different religious groups make on evolution?
	The National Center for Science Education has collected statements from 
many different denominations and groups.
Read it here  
http://www.ncseweb.org/resources/articles/7445_statements_from_religious_org_12_19_2002.asp 



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Re: New lawsuit against U Cal Berkeley

2005-10-18 Thread Mark Tushnet
Ed Brayton's post raises what I thought was the most interesting 
question raised by the lawsuit:  Can the inclusion of one link (to 
what might be a non-neutral site) produce an Establishment 
Clause violation -- when the complaint does not (apparently) 
identify (according to the report) anything else in the U Cal's web 
pages that makes reference to religion?  Put another way, why 
isn't this just Lynch v. Donnelly?

- Original Message -
From: Ed Brayton [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Tuesday, October 18, 2005 6:59 pm
Subject: Re: New lawsuit against U Cal Berkeley

 Volokh, Eugene wrote:
 
  Hmm -- when I read that page, I see lots of quotes that 
endorse
 the point of view that evolution and religious belief are 
 compatible.I see none that take any other position or point of 
 view on the subject.
 Nor do I see any quotes that fit in the some reject it camp; all 
 seemto be of the some accept it camp.  What am I missing 
here?  
 Am I
 reading the wrong page?
 
 
 Depends on what you mean by that page. If you mean the 
NCSE page, 
 all 
 of those statements are from denominations that accept 
evolution. 
 But 
 that is the only point of that page, to support the descriptive and 
 true 
 statement that some religious groups accept evolution and do 
not 
 see 
 them as in conflict. The Berkeley page states explicitly, in the 
 text 
 that I copied earlier, that there are some religious positions, 
 such as 
 belief in a young earth, that are incompatible with the findings of 
 science and with evolutionary theory. Then it goes on to say 
that 
 not 
 all religious groups take that position, and many of them take 
 positions 
 that are compatible and makes reference to an outside 
resource (the 
 NCSE 
 page) to support that descriptive statement.
 
 Ed Brayton
 
 
 -- 
 No virus found in this outgoing message.
 Checked by AVG Anti-Virus.
 Version: 7.0.344 / Virus Database: 267.12.2/140 - Release 
Date: 
 10/18/
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Re: RE: New Pledge of Allegiance Case, and precential effect of Ninth Cir cuit's earlier Newdow decision

2005-09-14 Thread Mark Tushnet
Simply on the predictive issue:  (1) Does the Ninth Circuit have a 
related cases rule, and (2) if so, would the appeal of this 
decision fall within the rule?

- Original Message -
From: Scarberry, Mark [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Wednesday, September 14, 2005 11:12 pm
Subject: RE: New Pledge of Allegiance Case, and precential effect 
of NinthCir cuit's earlier Newdow decision

 Let me recommend Howard Bashman's post on the precedent 
issue at How
 Appealing, http://legalaffairs.org/howappealing/. (Scroll down to 
 8:01 pm
 9/14/05 post.) He presents arguments for the following 
conclusion: 
 
 In holding that the Ninth Circuit's Pledge of Allegiance ruling, 
 even after
 being reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court, requires the U.S. 
 District Court
 for the Eastern District of California to hold that recitation of 
 the Pledge
 in public schools is unconstitutional, today's ruling is really, 
 reallywrong.
 
 Mark Scarberry
 Pepperdine
 
 -Original Message-
 From: Brad Pardee
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Sent: 9/14/2005 8:00 PM
 Subject: Re: New Pledge of Allegiance Case, and precential 
effect 
 of Ninth
 Cir cuit's earlier Newdow decision
 
 I appreciate Art's clarification of what he meant.  He's correct 
 that I
 understood his saying the judge wanted to do the right thing as
 meaning that judge was acting based on his own understanding 
of right
 and wrong as opposed to what the law reads.
 
 I would think, though, that it would not speak well of him if he had
 felt a need to issue his decision in a certain way out of his 
concerns
 about the unpopularity of his decision.  In that I am not a lawyer, 
 muchless a judge, perhaps I'm holding onto pollyanish 
expectations 
 of the
 judicial branch, but it seems to me that accepting the mantle of a 
 judgerequires enough moral courage to do what your job 
requires of 
 you,regardless of popular opinion.  Again, not being a lawyer, I 
 don't feel
 I'm in a position to accurately understand his motivations based 
on 
 thequoted section of the opinion, so I will look forward to reading 
 andlearning from what I read here from the learned assemblage.
 
 Brad
 
 
 - Original Message - 
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ') [EMAIL PROTECTED]  
 To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu ') religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu  
 Sent: Wednesday, September 14, 2005 8:57 PM
 Subject: Re: New Pledge of Allegiance Case,and precential 
effect of
 Ninth Cir cuit's earlier Newdow decision
 
 Brad assumes that when I said the judge wanted to do the right 
 thing,I meant the politically right thing or the the right thing 
 by his
 personal lights.  That's not at all what I meant, and I would agree 
 withhim that a judge is not supposed to follow such a course.  
 
 What I meant was that the judge may have wanted to do the 
legally 
 rightthing -- as I believe he did -- but may have felt the need to 
 seek the
 shelter of the 9th Circuit's previous decision to reduce the heat 
that
 would (and surely will) come his way because he did a wildly 
unpopular
 thing.
 
 However, now that I've seen the judge's candid footnote, I agree 
with
 Anthony Picarello that he seems to have explained his own 
reasons 
 prettywell.
 
 Art Spitzer 
 
 ATT59383.txt 
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Re: U.S. Denies Asylum for Persecuted Chinese Christian

2005-09-06 Thread Mark Tushnet




Or, it had better halt the proceeding that it (at the very least)
continued after the initial determination favorable to Mr. Li, and
resisted on Mr. Li's appeal to the Fifth Circuit.

Brad M Pardee wrote:

  If the present administration expects to
be seen as an advocate for religious freedom, it had better intervene
on
behalf of Mr. Li. This story is from Christianity Today.
  
Brad
  

  
  U.S. Denies Asylum for Persecuted Chinese Christian
  Court believes Christian's story, says China has the right to
maintain
social order.
  by Boaz Herzog | posted 09/06/2005 09:30 a.m.
  
For more than five years, Xiaodong Li and about half a dozen friends
gathered
weekly in their hometown of Ningbo, China, to study the Bible and sing
hymns. Then one Sunday morning in April 1995, in the middle of one of
the
services inside Li's apartment, three cops stormed in, handcuffed Li,
and
escorted him to the local police station.
  
The officers grabbed his hair and kicked his legs, forcing him to
kneel.
They hit and shocked him with an electronic black baton until he
confessed
two hours later to organizing an underground church. Later, they locked
him inside a windowless, humid cell with six other inmates until his
friend
and uncle bailed him out five days later. After his release, police
forced
him to clean public toilets 40 hours a week without pay. He lost his
job
as a hotel spokesman.
  
Li, 22 at the time, likely faced two years in prison. A court hearing
was
set for later that year. Li began plotting an escape. He applied for a
visa. Unaware of Li's looming trial, a government agency issued him a
passport.
And on November 4, 1995, Li left the country.
  
Two months later, a Carnival Cruise Lines ship docked in Miami. Li, a
food
server on board, walked off and never returned. He moved to Houston,
hoping
to go back to his homeland when China's government eased religious
restrictions.
Instead, conditions worsened. His friend was imprisoned for
participating
in their underground church. And police interrogated Li's family, who
still
live in China, after receiving Bibles, religious magazines, and
newspapers
that Li had sent them.
  
In 1999, Li applied for asylum on the grounds that the Chinese
government
had persecuted him for his religious beliefs. He missed the application
deadline, but an immigration judge agreed with his arguments, granting
him a status that allowed him to remain in the United States until
conditions
in China improved.
  
But in 2003, the Board of Immigration Appeals reversed the judge's
decision.
It ruled that Li was punished for violating laws on unregistered
churches
that it said China has a legitimate right to enforce. Li, the board
concluded,
feared legal action or prosecution, not persecution.
  
In August, a three-judge panel of the federal Fifth Circuit Court of
Appeals
affirmed the board's ruling. The decision has alarmed refugee and
religious-freedom
advocates. They say the ruling, unless overturned, will make it much
more
difficult for future asylum-seekers to prove religious persecution.
  
The appeals court decision "sends a chilling message that the United
States is beginning to turn its back on people fleeing religious
persecution,"
said Dori Dinsmore, the former advocacy director for World Relief, an
international
organization that assists refugees.
  
  
  Last year, U.S. immigration courts
completed
about 65,000 applications for asylum. Of those cases, about 20 percent
of the applicants were granted asylum, the plurality of which came from
China. Asylum allows refugees to work in the United States and later
apply
for permanent residence. To gain asylum, applicants must prove they are
refugees escaping persecution because of their nationality, membership
in a particular social group, political opinion, race, or religion.
  
"Ultimately," Dinsmore told CT, the Fifth Circuit's ruling means
that many more asylum applicants "will be deported back into the hands
of the people persecuting them."
  
The ruling has broad implications for worshipers across the globe. Ann
Buwalda, founder and executive director of human-rights group Jubilee
Campaign
USA, told CT that adherents of other faiths could soon be denied U.S.
asylum
because some of their religious practices are considered illegal in
their
homelands. For example, she pointed to persecuted practitioners of
Falun
Gong exercises in China, and Muslims who convert to Christianity in
Iran.
  
"Essentially," Buwalda said of the Fifth Circuit ruling, "you've
removed religion as a basis of gaining asylum."
  
Chris Bentley, a spokesman for the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration
Services
bureau, declined to comment on the impact Li's case could have on other
asylum applicants. The agency is "reviewing the judges' decision,
and then we'll take appropriate actions," Bentley said.
  
Li's Houston-based attorney, Garrett White, said his client, now 32,
plans
to appeal, both to the full ring of Fifth Circuit 

Re: UC system sued

2005-08-28 Thread Mark Tushnet
I thank Allen for the links to the UC guide, and find particularly 
helpful the unapproved courses link -- http://pathstat1.ucop.edu/
servlet/StoneGround?templateName=course_descriptions/
nonapproved -- and especially the descriptions of the criminal 
justice and forensic research courses.
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary=-1125253014


---1125253014
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

 
In a message dated 8/27/2005 10:11:26 PM Pacific Standard Time,  
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

As to inventing irrelevant hypotheticals, you are simply being  bombastic 
in the hopes, I suppose, of dodging the very real and very obvious  other sorts 
of judgments that can be justified just as equally.  This is  a list related 
to the discussion of law and religion.  It is mainly  populated by professors 
of the subject.  Professors of the subject love  to reason by analogy.  If you 
think that the hypotheticals are  irrelevant, you might offer some basis for 
saying so.  I chose them  because I think that they help point the way to one 
possible problem with the  innately stupid choice made by the UC system:  
bias. 
 
And if you think that pedagogical value of courses is determined by  
employment of universally adopted approaches (the evolutionary presumption  
among soft 
sciences), how will you go about deciding the pedagogical values  question in 
those non-ID courses, in the English literature, history, and  civics 
courses? 
 
Underneath some of my rhetoric there is a hard edge because I know that  we 
begin simply by adopting rules we think fairly supported by our role as  
guardian of public institutions.  It is only later that we begin issuing  bits 
of 
cloth to targeted populations to insure that our exclusion of them  from public 
life is uniformly observed.
 
Jim Henderson
Senior Counsel
ACLJ



To me, this lawsuit revolves around two factual questions that, at  this 
point, do not merit overheated rhetoric about issuing bits of cloth to  
targeted 
populations. According to _the  news story I read_ 
(http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/education/20050827--1n27school.html) , 
the Calvary Chapel 
Christian School of Murrieta is  teaching classes with titles like: 
Christianity's 
Influence on American  History,  Christianity and Morality in American 
Literature, and Special  Providence: American Government. The two factual 
questions are:
 
1. Do these courses meet the _objective criteria_ 
(http://pathstat1.ucop.edu/servlet/StoneGround?templateName=course_descriptions/subjectapproved)
   of the 
UC system's _a-g  subject matter requirements;_ 
(http://pathstat1.ucop.edu/ag/a-g/a-g_reqs.html)  and
 
2. Has the UC system selectively enforced these requirements against the  
plaintiffs while letting similar narrowly focused courses pass.
 
If the answer to either factual question is yes, UC should lose. But,  
according to _the  news story I read_ 
(http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/education/20050827--1n27school.html) , 
both these factual questions are in dispute. 
It  looks to me like these factual questions can be resolved by litigation 
long  before anyone need worry about  issuing bits of cloth to targeted  
populations. 
 
Allen Asch

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  irrelevant, you might offer some basis for saying so.nbsp; I chose them=20
  because I think that they help point the way to one possible problem with=20=
the=20
  innately stupid choice made by the UC system:nbsp; bias.nbsp;/DIV
  DIVnbsp;/DIV
  DIVAnd if you think that pedagogical value of courses is determined by=20
  employment of universally adopted approaches (the evolutionary 

Re: Findings on Hostility at Smithsonian Noted in NRO Article

2005-08-20 Thread Mark Tushnet
Might I suggest (a) that the limited number of participants in this 
thread (and related ones in the recent past), and (b) the 
comparative advantage of most list members in law rather than 
the philosophy of science, indicates that perhaps the thread has 
played itself out?
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In a message dated 8/19/2005 6:26:19 P.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
 
 
No  textbook in the past decade, and maybe in the past 40 years, that I have  
found, claims ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny.  It's a red herring  (there 
are those fish again!) to claim that is an issue in evolution  classes.  It's 
not.


Of course, over time the specifics change.  Eventually, my professor  will 
have gone into the land of emeriti and future generation of students taking  
that class will not be entertained by his misconception.  But in 1980 (not  40 
years ago, yet) at college in North Carolina, one dinosaur taught it just  this 
way. 
 
Oh, and by the way, as recently as the 2003 MCAT, that gatekeeper to  medical 
education has tested, or had as a possible subject of testing, ontogeny  
recapitulates phylogeny.  See  
_http://www.aamc.org/students/mcat/studentmanual/biologicalsciences/biology.pdf_
 
(http://www.aamc.org/students/mcat/studentmanual/biologicalsciences/biology.pdf)
 .
 
Jim Henderson
Senior Counsel
ACLJ



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DIV
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  textbook in the past decade, and maybe in the past 40 years, that I have=20
  found, claims ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny.nbsp; It's a red herring=20
  (there are those fish again!) to claim that is an issue in evolution=20
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DIV/DIV
DIVOf course, over time the specifics change.nbsp; Eventually, my profess=
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will have gone into the land of emeriti and future generation of students ta=
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40 years ago, yet) at college in North Carolina, one dinosaur taught it just=
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this way.nbsp;/DIV
DIVnbsp;/DIV
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DIVnbsp;/DIV
DIVJim Henderson/DIV
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---1124498331--
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Re: Feature films on church and state

2005-08-12 Thread Mark Tushnet




I read the summary Rick directed us to, and I'm a bit puzzled. The
doctor intervened in a situation where (the summary says) "there are
only two options--surgery or
death." As a result of the intervention, the alien boy's physical life
is preserved, but in the end his parents kill him because, as they put
it, "This was not our son. This was only a shell. There was
nothing to do but end the pain of the shell." What I'm puzzled about
is why Rick describes this outcome as a disaster. It turns out that
the (physical) outcome was death either way. And that death resulted
from the parents' acting on their beliefs at least as much as from the
surgeon's intervention. I suppose this might be described as a
disaster if one shared the parents' religious beliefs -- but, because
they are entirely fictional, I don't see how anyone could. It would be
different if some obviously bad consequences occurred by means other
than the parents' choices. One could describe the episode, as
summarized, as about free will and determinism, or about the bad
consequences of religious fanaticism. (One thing it's not about is the
bad consequences of government intervention, because the surgeon
refuses to comply with the government representative's direction not to
perform the surgery.)

Rick Duncan wrote:

  Here by the way is a
very nice summary of Babylon 5 "The Believers" episode.
  
  Rick
  
  
  
  
Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902
  
"When the Round Table is broken every man must follow either Galahad or
Mordred: middle things are gone." C.S.Lewis, Grand Miracle
  
"I will not be pushed, filed, stamped, indexed, briefed, debriefed, or
numbered." --The Prisoner
   
   Start
your day with Yahoo! - make it your home page 
  

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Re: What causes more religious strife: Government bodies posting the Ten Commandments, or courts ordering their removal?

2005-08-04 Thread Mark Tushnet
I'm a few hours behind on these postings, so apologies in 
advance if this point has been made:  Suppose that the inquiry 
into strife is not a direct touchstone, in the sense that asking 
whether X causes religious strife is relevant to deciding whether X 
is constitutional.  Rather -- as I think Justice Souter argued in 
McCreary -- the fact that government interactions (or some other 
term) with religion historically did cause religious strife should 
guide our interpretaion of the First Amendment.  He then argues 
that, when one considers the other relevant interpretive material, 
the best test that emerges is a rule of neutrality, but one could 
take his first point without thinking that his specific doctrinal 
conclusion -- drawn, again, from other interpretive material -- is 
the correct one.
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Re: Government criticism of the Supreme Court on religion-related materials

2005-07-12 Thread Mark Tushnet
I haven't commented on this thread, mostly because I thought the 
answer was pretty straight-forward from Justice Souter's 
invocation of common sense as a legal technique in addressing 
this kind of problem.

I could get fancier about this (in the initial version, what does 
common sense tell you about the purpose of presenting the 
protest in this particular form? in the revised version, what does 
common sense tell you about the choice of this particular form of 
vivid display when other vivid displays of protest are clearly 
possible, like displaying an Impeach Justice Souter banner?), 
but in some sensse that would be inconsistent with the technique.
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Re: RE: Government criticism of the Supreme Court on religion-relatedmaterials

2005-07-12 Thread Mark Tushnet
I suppose that Eugene's reply is a demonstration of why invoking 
common sense is better than trying to get fancy about it.  (But, I'm 
puzzled at how putting up a picture is a cogent argument but 
putting up a banner is not; I'll give you vivid in both cases, but -- 
at least where I come from -- a cogent argument presents 
reasons for the conclusion drawn.  I don't think anyone is 
contending that republishing Justice Scalia's dissent would violate 
the Establishment Clause; doing so presents an argument, the 
cogency of which I'll leave to others to assess.  The question is 
about whether protesting by means of adjoining to that dissent the 
displays at issue in McCreary -- and, by the way, which one? the 
first one? the second one? the third one? (and if the display of the 
third one is a cogent argument, why wouldn't the display of the 
first one be?) -- violates the Establishment Clause becase -- once 
again -- common sense tells us that the (primary) reason/purpose 
for choosing that form of protest is one that, according to Lemon 
prong-one, is one on which the government cannot predicate its 
actions.)
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Re: Rick Perry and separation of church and state

2005-06-06 Thread Mark Tushnet




So, on one side we have the sermon (personal capacity, done to curry
political favor, OK), in the middle we have the signing ceremony), and
on the other side we have the official proclamation that Texas is a
Christian state (official capacity, done to curry political favor, I
assume not-OK until Eugene explain why it's OK). The question is why
the line is drawn so that the first and second fall into a single
group, rather than the second and third. I proposed money, and then
worried about a direct-indirect distinction. Eugene proposes
"reasonable perception of endorsement," which has all the problems
associated with perception tests. Are there other candidates?

Volokh, Eugene wrote:

  	I agree that giving a sermon at a church isn't identical to
signing a bill at a religious gathering.  But the only "official" effect
of signing a bill flows from its having been signed.  Perry's signing it
at a religious gathering in no way affects the contents of the bill, or
any other legal obligation that anyone possesses.  The choice of where
and how to sign the bill is a political decision, aimed at sending a
political message to a political constituency.

	Both a sermon and the signing convey the impression that the
governor holds certain religious views, and thinks they are right.
Neither the sermon nor the signing should, I think, lead a reasonable
person to conclude that the State of Texas -- as an entity, as opposed
to a group of people -- holds certain religious views, whatever that
might mean.  And to say that Perry is conveying the impression that he
holds certain religious views "in the course of an official act" still
seems to me unresolved:  Why, as a matter of constitutional law or
constitutional spirit, should we care whether a political official is
trying to strengthen his bonds with a politically influential religious
group, in the course of a signing ceremony as opposed to in the course
of a sermon?  In both instances, it seems to me, the message ("I'm a
Christian, and I'm trying to win more favor from a particular subgroup
of Christians") is the same.

	Eugene

  
  
-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] On Behalf Of 
Steven K Green
Sent: Monday, June 06, 2005 11:51 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Rick Perry and separation of church and state


Eugene continues to equate Perry's action with other 
quasi-official/ quasi-private acts such as a governor giving 
a sermon at a church or Bush speaking at a religious pro-life 
rally.  I agree that these latter events are of a political 
nature and will usually be perceived as such.  I may be 
offended by them, but they are probably too close to the 
partisan/private roles of an official to transgress the EC in 
a real sense.  But Perry's act is clearly different -- it is 
primarily official, and as such, he as the chief state 
official is giving the impression of favoring Christianity in 
the course of an official act.  So he meets Eugene's #1 and 
probably #2 (as governments frequently speak through their 
officials, particularly when one represents the entire state).


Steve Green
Willamette University




  Sandy Levinson writes:

  
  
As to spirit, why not try "avoid using one's official position to 
give needless offense to persons with different religious views by 
making them feel marginal members of the community" (which 

  

I take it 


  
is close to, but not the same as, O'Connor's "endorsement" 

  

position).  


  
The problem as several postings are making clear, is what 

  

it means to 


  
"use one's official position."  There are no bright lines, 
    
  

but I find


  
Mark Tushnet persuasive that bill signing and the hoop-la
attached to such is more "official" than a sermon on Sunday
commenting on a bill-signing that occurred in a state
building in Austin.

  
  	Hmm -- even as spirit goes, that's a pretty amorphous 
  

term. Many 


  people are offended when the government -- either the courts or 
government agencies, such as (most recently) the L.A. City 
  

Council as 


  to the L.A. city seal -- excises religious components from 
  

government 


  speech.  Some people are, I suspect, offended if it there 
  

were a norm 


  that politicians could do signing ceremonies in front of 
  

every group 


  with which they want to cement political bonds (feminist, 
environmentalist, pro-life, pro-choice, and so on) except religious 
groups.

	How can these be distinguished under Sandy's 
  

definition?  One way 


  might b

Re: Stanford's Warning about Religion

2005-04-11 Thread Mark Tushnet




In connection with Rick's question, you might want to look around your
campus for posters/signs with headlines like "Stop Psychiatric Abuse,"
and for tables with banners like "Stress Management" or "Stress
Reduction." Also, this story -- Andy Newman, "Bumping Up Against
Subway Regulations, New York Times, March 29, 2005 -- may be
instructive. (Of course, I may be particularly sensitive to this sort
of thing because I teach at an institution that obviously has a
pastoral mission with respect to its students.)

Rick Garnett wrote:
Dear all,
  
In the course of looking into something having nothing to do with
law-and-religion, I came across a web page, provided by Stanford
University's Office for Religious Life, entitled "A Word of
Warning." Here is a link:
  
  
http://religiouslife.stanford.edu/sar/warning.html
  
Here is the text:
  
  A Word of Warning
Maintaining and nurturing your spiritual
life during college and graduate school is one of the best ways to keep
perspective on your studies and to avoid the isolation that is too
often
a part of scholarly pursuits. The Deans for Religious Life and
members of SAR are committed to providing opportunities for spiritual
growth, rewarding friendships and intellectual inquiry into matters of
faith in a supportive environment.
  
Unfortunately, not every religious group has your best interests at
heart. Groups to avoid have some or all of the following
characteristics.
  
Pressure and Deception: They use high-pressure
recruitment
tactics or are not up-front about their motives when they first
approach
you. SAR members are required to identify themselves on all News and
Publications and to be clear and forthright about their motives. 
Totalitarian Worldview: They do not encourage critical,
independent thinking. The first goal of higher education is to enable
you
to think for yourself. Be aware of groups or leaders who try to control
your life or who claim to possess the truth exclusively. 
Alienation: They want to choose your friends for you.
While
all religions have moral guidelines, watch out for groups that
encourage
you to sever ties with close friends and family who are not members.
They
are manipulative and extremely dangerous. 
Exploitation: They make unrealistic demands regarding
your
time and/or money. If participation in a group takes away from your
study
time, beware. A group or leader that cares about you understands that
your studies-your future-are your first priority as a Stanford student.
SAR members are strictly forbidden to require dues from student
participants. 
  
  
If you feel you are being pursued aggressively or manipulated by a
group
or leader, contact any of the Deans for Religious Life or call
723-1762.
  
* * *
  
Now, it strikes me as reasonable and appropriate for a University like
Stanford to provide (perhaps) paternalistic guidance to students on all
sorts of matters involving their "personal" lives, including
involvement with religious groups and activities. (I would hope
that a University's willingness to provide "warning[s]" to
students about the dangers posed by some religions to "critical,
independent thinking" would indicate a willingness to warn about
similar dangers posed by, say, political or identity-related
groups). I imagine that reasonable people will disagree about what,
exactly, "counts" as "claim[ing] to possess the truth
exclusively" or "[dis]courag[ing] critical, independent
thinking," but put that problem aside. I wonder, do any
members of this list have any thoughts or views on how, if at all, the
First Amendment would constrain the issuance by a state-run university
of
a "warning" like Stanford's? Or, approaching the matter
from a broader, "religion and liberal democracy" perspective,
what would we think about this "warning"?
  
Best,
  
Rick
  

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Re: Wait, there's more: Leading ID think tank calls Dover evolution policy misguided, calls for it to be withdrawn

2004-12-15 Thread Mark Tushnet
I'm not sure that the following intervention will be productive, but:  
My sense is that this discussion has reached beyond the limits of 
list-relevance in its discussions of the substance of ID, evolutionary 
theory, etc.  (I remember enough about physics from college to know that 
the law of entropy says nothing about the possibilities of an increase 
in order in any subset of the universe as a whole.)

Alan Leigh Armstrong wrote:
Evolution appears to violate the law of entropy. That is things tend 
to disorder. (examples: a deck of cards, any teenagers bedroom.) 
Evolution assumes that things become more ordered.

Physicists in industry are not going to spend the time on it because 
it will not help produce a product.
Physicists in colleges are not looking at it because there is no grant 
money in it. Also would a published article on the subject help them 
get tenure?

Alan
Law Office of Alan Leigh Armstrong
Serving the Family  Small Business Since 1984
18652 Florida St., Suite 225
Huntington Beach CA 92648-6006
714-375-1147   Fax 714 375 1149
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
www.alanarmstrong.com
KE6LLN
On Dec 14, 2004, at 4:56 PM, Michael MASINTER wrote:
How does evolution appear to violate the laws of thermodynamics?   
And if
it does, why haven't physicists figured it out?

Michael R. MasinterVisiting Professor of Law
On Leave FromUniversity of Miami Law School
Nova Southeastern University(305) 284-3870 (voice)
Shepard Broad Law Center(305) 284-6619 (fax)
[EMAIL PROTECTED]Chair, ACLU of Florida Legal Panel
On Tue, 14 Dec 2004, Alan Leigh Armstrong wrote:
My training in physics was that a theory is an explanation that fits
the facts. For example, the theoretical physicist comes up with a
theory. The experimentalist runs the experiment and gives the results
to the theoretical physicist who then modifies the theory.
There are many holes in the theory of evolution. Evolution appears to
violate the laws of thermodynamics. There are also many things that
have been presented as evidence of evolution that have been proven
false.
The problems with evolution and the major schools of thought within
evolution should be taught to the students. If DI has a different
theory that fits the facts, it should also be taught.
I tend toward the 6 days of creation with the clock counting the time
being at the center of the big bang. The gravitational effect slowing
down the clock so that we may still be in the seventh day.
Alan
Law Office of Alan Leigh Armstrong
Serving the Family  Small Business Since 1984
18652 Florida St., Suite 225
Huntington Beach CA 92648-6006
714-375-1147   Fax 714 375 1149
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
www.alanarmstrong.com
KE6LLN
On Dec 14, 2004, at 3:05 PM, Steven Jamar wrote:
Sandy, I agree that there is value in multiplicity in the three
examples you mention, including critiques of evolution.  But there is
a difference between evolution (an established fact) and disagreements
about the mechanism by which it works.  Requiring teaching that
evolution is false is not an acceptable alternative.  But allowing or
even requiring critiques makes a great deal of sense.  Even if it is
creationism light.
Knowledge is not all a matter of social power.  But what constitutes
truth at any given time certainly is affected by social power.
Steve
On Tuesday, December 14, 2004, at 05:16 PM, Sanford Levinson wrote:
I just listened to an NPR segment quoting one of the supporters of ID
saying that it is important that students be presented with
alternatives to Darwinism.  That is, this is an appeal to the
importance of a multiplicity of points of view.  Is there a
principled way of deciding when that is a desiderata?  Consider,
e.g., the failure of American public schools to present in any
serious way the propositions that a) we have quite a dysfunctional
Constitution (a proposition that I personally believe) and b) there
are legitimate reasons for various and sundry persons around the
globe to hate us (a proposition that I also believe, but not for all
of the various and sundry persons who in fact hate us, obviously).  I
take it that the persons who believe in multiplicity of views with
regard to ID are unlikely to accept its importance with regard to my
examples.  But, conversely, I presume that persons who agree with my
examples are likely to be hostile to presenting ID as even a
possibility.  Is Foucault right, that what counts as knowledge (or
disputable theory) is all a matter of social power?  (This is not a
rhetorical question.)
 
sandy
--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar   vox:  202-806-8017
Howard University School of Law fax:  202-806-8567
2900 Van Ness Street NW   mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Washington, DC  20008   http://www.law.howard.edu/faculty/pages/jamar/
It is by education I learn to do by choice, what other men do by the
constraint of fear.
Aristotle

Re: The President and the Pope

2004-06-14 Thread Mark Tushnet
I have the feeling that this thread may have played itself out, but one 
matter hasn't come up -- whether there's a difference between a public 
statement soliciting support from religious leaders, etc., and a private 
conversation in which such support is solicited (and whether, in a world 
of leaks, such a distinction is anything close to coherent).  I simply 
report my intuition that the public statements are lower on the 
problematic scale than the private conversation (which is not to say 
that either one is high on that scale).

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Re: The President and the Pope

2004-06-14 Thread Mark Tushnet
My intuition is that openness matters, in constraining what 
a politician will say.  But I agree that we're dealing with 
quite a marginal issue here.

- Original Message -
From: Richard Dougherty [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Monday, June 14, 2004 5:51 pm
Subject: Re: The President and the Pope

 Mark:
 I would have thought that it was the other way around on 
the 
 problematic score, no?  If Bush is looking for electoral 
support, 
 wouldn't it be more advantageous to make a public 
statement about 
 the matter, rather than making what looks like a rather 
innocuous 
 comment to a Vatican official in private?  (About which, 
of course, 
 he was perfectly accurate.)  Or is your suggestion that if 
he does 
 so openly then at least we know what he's up to?  I 
suppose were 
 Bush to make public a criticism of the Catholic bishops 
he might 
 risk alienating Catholic voters?  (But we should all be 
aware that 
 an attempt to influence Catholic voters in America by 
appealing to 
 a Vatican official in private is essentially futile.)
 
 This might be a mountain being made into a molehill.
 
 Richard Dougherty
 
 
 -- Original Message --
 From: Mark Tushnet [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Reply-To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics 
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]Date:  Mon, 14 Jun 
2004 15:43:05 -0400
 
 I have the feeling that this thread may have played itself 
out, 
 but one 
 matter hasn't come up -- whether there's a difference 
between a 
 public 
 statement soliciting support from religious leaders, etc., 
and a 
 private 
 conversation in which such support is solicited (and 
whether, in a 
 world 
 of leaks, such a distinction is anything close to 
coherent).  I 
 simply 
 report my intuition that the public statements are lower 
on the 
 problematic scale than the private conversation 
(which is not to 
 say 
 that either one is high on that scale).
 
 
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Re: Follow up as to the baptisms in the park

2004-05-27 Thread Mark Tushnet
I don't read the manager as saying that most public religious 
activities are prohibited in the park.  As I read him, he's saying 
that such activities are allowed, but only in the shelters (as is true, 
as I read it, of political rallies and events by private companies 
[which I suppose might include annual corporation picnics and the like, 
but maybe this refers only to things like product release parties]).  As 
I read the statement (not embodied in a written policy, apparently), 
the park is, so to speak, zoned for different activities, with some, 
including religious activities and political rallies, limited to the 
shelters, and others allowed in the common areas (as well as the 
shelters?).  And, if that's the correct understanding, is there 
something impermissible about such zoning (akin to reserving Hyde Park 
Corner, but no other part of Hyde Park, for political speeches)?  
Indeed, even if I'm misunderstanding the policy, is zoning of this sort 
within a public park constitutionally permissible?

[There's lurking here a disparate impact argument as well, of a sort 
that affects public forum doctrine generally, because, whatever might be 
said about, e.g., celebrations of the Mass, which might be performed 
(let me assume) in a shelter, baptisms of the sort at issue can't be.]

Volokh, Eugene wrote:
It looks like there is a policy of prohibiting most public
religious activities in the park.  Wouldn't that be unconstitutional in
a traditional public forum (which the park, though not the river, likely
is), even if there is no discrimination?  But it would also be some
evidence that there does appear to be religious discrimination even in
the river use policy.
Eugene

http://fredericksburg.com/News/FLS/2004/052004/05272004/1377386
. . .  Some who heard about the controversy say the rule may be illegal
and a form of religious discrimination.
You can't treat religious expression in a public park any different
from any other kinds of expression, said Kent Willis, executive
director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Virginia in Richmond.
Park Authority Manager Brian Robinson, who approached Pyle after
Sunday's baptisms, said the agency doesn't discourage religious
activities.
He said religious services, political rallies and private companies that
use the authority's four parks must confine their activities to a
reserved shelter or room so they do not interfere with other park
patrons.
Active church services, such as baptisms and revivals, or anything that
takes on a public persona that others would take offense or object to,
are not allowed in the common areas of the parks, Robinson said.
We don't have a problem with providing shelters, but we don't want
others to feel forced to endure someone else's religion, he said.
In addition to Falmouth Waterfront Park, the regional authority oversees
St. Clair Brooks Park and Pratt Park in southern Stafford and Old Mill
Park in the city.
Park officials have had situations in the past where groups came in, set
up tents and loud speakers for revivals and tried to promote their
particular message to others, he said.
Members of Cornerstone Baptist, who didn't inform park officials before
the baptisms, were passing out literature Sunday, Robinson said.
But the policy, which is not in writing, prompted debate last night
during an emergency meeting of the Park Authority board. . . .
Some board members were confused about the policy. 

Tom Gordon, the authority's operations supervisor, said he thought
certain religious ceremonies--such as Easter sunrise services--were
permitted on a case-by-case basis.
Eric Olsen, the board's vice chairman, said he never understood that the
Park Authority had a policy on religious activities. Olsen proposed
creating a subcommittee to research the issue and report back when the
board meets next month. . . .
Yesterday, the ACLU wrote a Park Authority board member asking that the
agency assure the group that it has no ban on religious activities and
that it will allow baptisms at Falmouth Waterfront Park. . . .
If a nonprofit swimming camp is doing the same thing, would it be
treated differently? [U. Va. professor Robert O'Neil] asked. If it's
discouraged, but not forbidden, then that's a problem.
Park Authority officials say they discourage swimming in the
Rappahannock River, but since the river is governed by state law, they
can't prohibit people from entering the water, Robinson said. 

The first drowning of this year occurred Sunday, upstream from the park
just hours after the baptisms. Over the years, the Rappahannock near
Fredericksburg has claimed dozens of lives, including four drownings
during the summer of 2002. . . .
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Re: RE: Medical workers who don't want to participate in abortions

2004-05-15 Thread Mark Tushnet
I too wonder about the statutory interpretations Eugene 
proffers.  Consider first the Illinois statute, which refers to 
physician, hospital, ambulatory surgical center, nor 
employee thereof.  It seems to me to stretch this 
coverage language to include applicant for employment 
thereto.  The New York statute's requirement (included 
as well in the Illinois statute) that the person having the 
objection file a prior written refusal is awkwardly phrased 
were it to be interpreted to apply to applicants for 
employment.  I can imagine an applicant attaching such a 
refusal to his/her employment application -- or an 
interpretation requiring that the materials prepared to 
applicants to fill out have a statement with a box to be 
checked by applicants with the relevant objections -- but 
this does not seem to me the natural interpretation of the 
statutory language.  And, finally, although the Virginia 
statute does refer to den[ying] employment, that 
reference is coupled with one to an objection, the 
antecedent of which is, as in the other statutes, to a prior 
written objection, which again raises the question of how 
an applicant for employment is to make such an objection.  
Again, I can imagine that an answer No to a question on 
the application form, Would you participate in performing 
abortions? would count as the required prior written 
objection.  But, again, I think the more natural reading of 
the statutes is that they refer to present employees (and 
that the denial of employment in the Virginia statute 
should therefore be read -- admittedly, a bit awkwardly, 
but I think less awkward than the alternative -- to refer to 
denials that take the form of termination of 
employment).

 -Original Message-
 From: Volokh, Eugene [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics 
 [EMAIL PROTECTED], 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Date: Sat, 15 May 2004 16:33:39 -0700
 Subject: RE: Medical workers who don't want to 
participate in 
 abortions
 I agree with Sandy that there should be no 
Establishment Clause 
 problems when the law applies equally to secular 
conscientious 
 objectors -- but that's because I generally think that the 
 Establishment Clause mainly mandates a 
nondiscrimination rule.  Yet 
 Thornton v. Caldor 
 (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/
getcase.pl?court=usvol=472invol=703) didn't seem to 
be framed quite that way (except for a brief mention in 
footnote 9 that the law prefers religious reasons over 
secular reasons).  Is it clear that it should be interpreted 
as being inapplicable when the law treats secular and 
religious objectors equally?
 
 As to Sandy's conjecture about hiring decisions, I'm not 
sure that 
 it's quite right.  I would imagine that a statute such as 
Illinois 
 Statutes ch. 38 para. 81-33,
 
  13. No physician, hospital, ambulatory surgical center, 
nor 
 employee thereof, shall be required against his or its 
conscience 
 declared in writing to perform, permit or participate in any 
 abortion, and the failure or refusal to do so shall not be 
the 
 basis for any civil, criminal, administrative or disciplinary 
 action, proceeding, penalty or punishment. If any 
request for an 
 abortion is denied, the patient shall be promptly notified.
 
 would apply equally to requirements in the sense of 
we won't 
 hire you if you don't agree to perform abortions as well 
as we 
 will fire you if you don't agree to perform abortions.  
Likewise, 
 the New York statute provides that When the 
performing of an 
 abortion on a human being or assisting thereat is 
contrary to the 
 conscience or religious beliefs of any person, he may 
refuse to 
 perform or assist in such abortion by filing a prior written 
 refusal setting forth the reasons therefor with the 
appropriate and 
 responsible hospital, person, firm, corporation or 
association, and 
 no such hospital, person, firm, corporation or 
association shall 
 discriminate against the person so refusing to act, 
which seems to 
 encompass discrimination in hiring as well as 
discrimination in 
 promotion or dismissal or discipline.  The Virginia law is 
even 
 more explicit:  any person who shall state in writing an 
objection 
 to any abortion or all abortions on personal, ethical, 
moral or 
 religious grounds shall not be required to participate in 
 procedures which will result in such abortion, and the 
refusal of 
 such person, hospital or other medical facility to 
participate 
 therein shall not form the basis of any claim for damages 
on 
 account of such refusal or for any disciplinary or 
recriminatory 
 action against such person, nor shall any such person 
be denied 
 employment because of such objection or refusal.
 
 I agree that this would sometimes impose serious 
burdens on 
 hospitals -- burdens that other nondiscrimination laws 
might deal 
 with through a reasonable accommodation, undue 
hardship, or 
 even bona fide occupational qualification analysis; but 
those 
 restrictions 

Re: Re: Axson-Flynn

2004-02-09 Thread Mark Tushnet
Coming in late on this:  I've gone back and forth over the years about what to do 
about Cohen, although now I've settled in on using the word (on the ground that -- at 
least with my students -- the chances of offense are quite low).  (I take it that the 
possibility of giving offense is relevant to the pedagogic questions Sandy raises even 
if one thinks that the government cannot ban or regulate material simply on the ground 
of its offensiveness.)  There's a similar problem in teaching Hess v. Indiana, which I 
think is a nice case to illustrate precisely what Brandenburg means by imminence.

On a related topic, and along the lines of Sandy's interest in anecdotes:  
Obscenity/pornography is pretty clearly much more difficult than Cohen, I think.  I've 
never displayed any materials in class.  What I sometimes do is describe what Potter 
Stewart meant by hard-core pornography (and what is clearly prohibitable -- subject to 
community standards -- under Miller).  The description is that Stewart meant 
depictions of penetration and ejaculation -- depictions, I point out, that are readily 
available on the Web at free sites that an untutored person can locate in about ten 
minutes (I used to report how long it took for me to find free Stewart-hard-core 
obscenity on the Web [usually, about ten minutes] but now I've pretty much memorized 
the easiest site's address [available on request] so I can't do that any more).

Given the ready available of hard-core obscenity (in Stewart's and Miller's sense), 
pretty clearly the only thing worth talking about with respect to obscenity is the 
transformation in community standards in many places.  (Interestingly, Penthouse 
magazine regularly carries photographs of penetration, but -- perhaps because of 
advice from its lawyers -- only in black-and-white photospreads, unlike the color 
photospreads in the rest of the magazine.)

But, what remains interesting to talk about, I think, is non-obscene (in the Miller 
sense) sexually explicit material that offends/subordinates.  And, to the extent that 
the concern is offense (or subordination that is itself offensive), there really is a 
pedagogic problem, which I've never been able to solve.
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Re: Is UCLA violating the Establishment Clause?

2004-01-27 Thread Mark Tushnet
The About This Site section of the web page says:  The Lesbian Gay Bisexual 
Transgender Campus Resource Center is a department in Student and Campus Life, a 
division of the Student Affairs Organization under the direction of Vice Chancellor 
Winston Doby.  The quoted material is the textual portion of the sub-section of the 
web site under Your Needs as Homosexuality and Religion.  The Your Needs section 
also includes material on Sexual Orientation Discrimination in the Classroom, Good 
Health and Playing Safe!, Housing Resources, and Legal/Political Links, along 
with a general Links and Resources item.


- Original Message -
From: Nathan Oman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Tuesday, January 27, 2004 9:55 am
Subject: Re: Is UCLA violating the Establishment Clause?

 It is not clear to me if this is from a student organization or 
 from a part 
 of the university.  I am assuming from Eugene's comments that it 
 is from 
 the university.
 
 
 At 08:22 PM 1/26/2004 -0800, you wrote:
 
  The UCLA Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Campus 
 Resource Center 
  -- which is apparently part of the UCLA administration, and not 
 just a 
  student group -- provides the material copied below, at 
  http://www.lgbt.ucla.edu/need_religion.html; 
 target=lhttp://www.lgbt.ucla.edu/need_religion.htmlhttp://www.lgbt.ucla.edu/need_religion.html
  
  .  I assume that this is pretty clear an Establishment Clause 
 violation, 
  since it expresses expressly religious views, endorsing some and 
  disapproving of others.  Or am I mistaken on this?
 
  Eugene
 
 Homosexuality and Religion
 
 All of God's promises are intended for every human being, 
 including 
 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. How tragic it is 
 that many 
 religious institutions have excluded and persecuted people who 
 are not 
 heterosexual.
 
 We are all created with powerful needs for personal 
 relationships. Our 
 quality of life depends upon the love we share with others, 
 whether family 
 or friends, partners or peers. Yet lesbian, gay, bisexual, and 
 transgender 
 people facing hostile attitudes in society often are denied 
 access to 
 healthy relationships. We are called upon to find ultimate 
 meaning in life 
 through our spiritual selves as well as our physical and 
 emotional selves, 
 which can bring healing and strength to all of our relationships.
 
 The issues about homosexuality are very complex and not 
 understood by 
 most members of religious organizations, according to Bernard 
 Ramm of the 
 American Baptist Seminary of the West. This evangelical authority 
 on 
 biblical interpretation says that, To them, it is a vile form of 
 sexual 
 perversion condemned in both the Old and New Testaments. But as 
 Calvin 
 Theological Seminary Old Testament scholar Marten H. Woudstra 
 says, There 
 is nothing in the Old Testament that corresponds to homosexuality 
 as we 
 understand it today and as Southern Methodist University New 
 Testament 
 Scholar Victor Paul Furnish says, There is no text on homosexual 
 orientation in the Bible. Says Robin Scroggs of Union Seminary, 
 Biblical 
 judgments against homosexuality are not relevant to today's 
 debate. They 
 should no longer be used...not because the Bible is not 
 authoritative, but 
 simply because it does not address the issues involved...No 
 single New 
 testament author considers homosexuality important enough to 
 write his/her 
 own sentence about it. Evangelical theologian Helmut Thielicke 
 states, 
 Homosexuality...can be discussed at all only in the framework of 
 that 
 freedom which is given to us by the insight that even the New 
 testament 
 does not provide us with an evident, normative dictum with regard 
 to this 
 question. Even the kind of question which we have arrived at ... 
 must for 
 purely historical reasons be alien to the New testament.
 
 Ideas and understandings of sexuality have changed greatly over 
 the 
 centuries. People in biblical times did not share our knowledge 
 or customs 
 of sexuality; we do not share their
 
 experience. In those days there was no romantic dating as we know 
 it 
 today; marriages were arranged by fathers. The ancients, as MIT's 
 David 
 Halperin notes conceived of
 
 'sexuality' in non-sexual terms: what was fundamental to their 
 experience 
 of sex was not anything we would regard as essentially sexual. 
 Rather, it 
 was something essentially social - namely, the modality of power 
 relations 
 that informed and structured the sexual act. In the ancient 
 world, sex 
 was not intrinsically relational or collaborative in character, 
 it is, 
 further, a deeply polarizing experience: It serves to divide, to 
 classify, 
 and to distribute its participants into distinct and radically 
 dissimilar 
 categories. Sex possesses this valence, apparently, because it is 
 conceived to center essentially on, and to define itself around, 
 an 
 asymmetrical gesture, that of the penetration of the body